دانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65854220190923Variation in Persian Head Idiomsتغییرپذیری در اصطلاحات دارای نام اندامِ سر در زبان فارسی735385010.22124/plid.2019.12680.1349FAساسانملکیدانشجوی دکتری زبانشناسی همگانی، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا همدانمحمدراسخ مهنداستاد گروه زبانشناسی همگانی، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا همدانJournal Article20190225This study aims to investigate variation in Persian Head Idioms at syntactic, semantic, lexical and morpho-syntactic levels. The corpus contains body part idioms including "Head" in Najafi (1378/ 1999). Moon (1998) and Langlotz (2006) are considered as the theoretical frameworks by the authors. The findings show that Persian Head Idioms display variation at the levels aforementioned through the processes of addition, syntactic permutation, substitution and deletion. The syntactic variation takes place through postposing, scrambling, using gerunds and infinitives, passivization, multiple-functioning, adding prepositional phrases, and deleting verbs. The semantic variation happens through polysemy and ambiguation. Moreover, the lexical variation occurs through adding nouns, adjectives and adverbs, substituting, and deleting verbs. Finally, the morpho-syntactic variation is displayed through the addition of indefinite "–ya" and pluralization. The two processes of addition and syntactic permutation explain the tendency towards the quantity and the complexity iconicity while polysemy, ambiguation, multi-functional variation and deletion explain the tendency to economy in idioms.
<strong>1. Introduction</strong>
Idioms have been extensively associated with non-compositionality in formal linguistic approaches. The intuition behind non-compositionality is that the meaning of the idiomatic expressions cannot be inferred from the literal meanings of the constituent parts of idioms. Such a view fails to consider the cognitive mechanisms which explain the form-meaning relations in idioms. Within the tradition of cognitive linguistics, however, idioms are considered to be conventionalized, that is to say the meaning of idioms cannot be wholly predicted on the basis of the knowledge of the literal meanings of their constituents. In cognitive linguistics, idioms are regarded as conceptual entities, however. This view does not fail to recognize metaphor, metonymy and the conventional knowledge as the conceptual motivations for the form-meaning relations in most idioms. In this paper, we define idioms as any familiar or unfamiliar lexico-syntactic order which is conventional in terms of form-meaning relations. This study aims at studying variation in Persian head-including idioms. More specifically, we attempt to answer the following questions: What variations are there in Persian body-part idioms? Which processes are responsible for such variations? And, finally, in what way or ways one can explain variation in terms of iconicity and language economy?
Moon (1998) and Langlotz (2006) are considered as the theoretical frameworks by the authors. Moon (1998) discusses verbs, nouns, adjectives, specificity, amplification and truncation as types of lexical variation and causative structures as a category of systematic variation. Langlotz (2009, 179-182), also, categorizes variation in terms of formal and semantic variants. Formal variation includes morpho-syntactic, syntactic and lexical variations while semantic variations comprise polysemy, ambiguation and meaning adaptation. The explanation of the iconicity of quantity and the iconicity of complexity are based on Haspelmath (2008). The notion of iconicity is that the structure of language reflects the structure of experience in some ways. On the basis of the iconicity of quantity, greater quantities in meaning are displayed by greater quantities of forms. Iconicity of complexity, also, implies that more complex meanings are expressed by more complex forms.
<strong>3. Methodology</strong>
The following study is a corpus-based analysis at two levels of description and explanation. The corpora are the idioms which include the word "sar" (head) in Najafi (1999). In our discussion of variation in idioms, we will focus on different texts in which head-including idioms appear in different forms or polysemous meanings.
<strong>4. Results & Discussion</strong>
The first question of the study concerns the types of variation in Persian body-part idioms. To address the question, 248 idioms were studied. We found variation at different syntactic, semantic, lexical and morpho-syntactic levels in 121 idioms. In other words, around 50 percent of the idioms show variation at the levels above-mentioned. In 62 idioms we, also, found more than one type of variation. Therefore, the total number of variation amounts to 187. Syntactic, lexical, semantic and morpho-syntactic variations were found in 77, 62, 33 and 15 idioms, respectively.
The second question addresses the types of process involved in variation. The results indicated that variation is accomplished through the processes of addition (103 cases seen at syntactic, lexical, semantic and morpho-syntactic levels), syntactic permutation (63 cases seen at the syntactic level), substitution (30 cases seen at the lexical level), and deletion (9 cases seen at the syntactic and the lexical levels).
Finally, why do idioms show variation? Considering the issue in terms of iconicity and economy, we came to the conclusion that syntactic, lexical, semantic and morpho-syntactic addition to the forms or to the meanings of the idioms reflect the iconicity of quantity and the iconicity of complexity. Meanwhile, polysemy, ambiguation, function changes and deletion express the principle of language economy.
<strong>5. Conclusions & Suggestions</strong>
Persian body-part idioms display variation at different syntactic, semantic, lexical and morpho-syntactic levels through the processes of addition, syntactic permutation, substitution and deletion. Syntactic variation is accomplished through postposing, scrambling, using gerunds and infinitives, passivization, function changes, adding prepositional phrases and deleting verbs. Semantic variation happens through polysemy and ambiguation. Moreover, lexical variation occurs through adding nouns, adjectives and adverbs to the idioms and the substitution and the deletion of verbs. Finally, morpho-syntactic variation is achieved through the addition of indefinite "–i" and pluralization. The two processes of addition and syntactic permutation explain the tendency towards the iconicity of quantity and the iconicity of complexity while polysemy, ambiguation, function changes and deletion explain the tendency towards the language economy in idioms.
<strong> </strong>پیکرۀ این پژوهش، شواهدی هستند که نجفی (1378) برای اصطلاحات دارای ناماندامِ <em>سر</em> ذکر کردهاست. شیوههای تغییرپذیری مطرح در مون (1998) و لانگلاتز (2006) هم چارچوب نظریاند. یافتهها نشان میدهد اصطلاحات ناماندامی زبان فارسی به واسطۀ فرایندهای اضافهسازی، جابهجایی نحوی، جایگزینی و حذف، در سطوح مختلف تغییرپذیرند. تغییرپذیری در سطح نحوی به صورت پسایندشدگی، قلب نحوی، مصدرشدگی و اسم مصدرشدگی، مجهولشدگی، تغییرپذیری نقشی، اضافهسازی گروه حرفاضافهای و حذف فعل دیده میشود. در سطح معنایی، تغییرپذیری از طریق چندمعنایی و ایهامشدگی روی میدهد. تغییرپذیری در سطح واژگانی شامل فرایندهای اضافهسازی اسم، صفت، قید، جایگزینی اسم، جایگزینی فعل و حذف فعل است و در سطح واژی ـ نحوی نیز اضافهسازی یای نکره و نشانههای جمع مشاهده شد. بررسیها نشان میدهد که فرایندهای اضافهسازی و جابهجایی نحوی، نشانگر تمایل اصطلاحات به رعایت اصل تصویرگونگی کمیّت و تصویرگونگی پیچیدگی هستند. در عینحال، فرایندهای چندمعنایی، ایهامسازی، تغییرپذیری نقشی و حذف، نشان از رعایت اصل اقتصاد میدهند.دانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65854220190923Object /Oblique Alternation in Persianتناوب مفعول- موضوع حرف اضافهای در زبان فارسی3761384810.22124/plid.2019.11363.1311FAزهراقانعدانشجوی دکتری زبانشناسی همگانی، دانشگاه اصفهانوالیرضاییدانشیار زبانشناسی همگانی، دانشگاه اصفهانرضوانمتولیان نایینیاستادیار زبانشناسی همگانی، دانشگاه اصفهانJournal Article20180926Multiple realization of object as an argument of a verb is called "object alternation". The present paper focuses on one kind of object alternation in which the second participant in a construction is selected as the undergoer in one variant while as the oblique core argument in the other. Many verbs in Persian alternate in this way, among which the most frequent ones are known as consumption verbs, direct perception verbs, verbs of desire, and contact (by impact) verbs. Based upon Role and Reference Grammar, the paper attempts to describe object alternation in aforesaid verbs and to explain the semantic factors influencing it. To this end, the relevant data are gathered from Persian Syntactic Dependency Corpus, daily conversations, lectures, and TV programs in Persian. The data were subsequently analyzed based on RRG theoretical framework. The study shows that object- oblique alternation in Persian is a choice between a macrorole and a non-macrorole argument which depends mostly on telicity of the verb and specificity of the second participant.
<strong> <strong>Extended Abstract</strong></strong>
<strong>1. Introduction</strong>
Multiple realization of object as an argument of a verb is called "object alternation". The present paper focuses on one kind of object alternation in which the second participant in a construction is selected as the undergoer in one variant and as the oblique core argument in the other. Many two-place predicates in Persian alternate like this, among the most frequent ones are those which involve consumption verbs, direct perception verbs, verbs of desire, and contact (by impact) verbs. Based upon Role and Reference Grammar, the paper attempts to describe object alternation in aformentioned verbs and explain the semantic factors influencing it.
<strong> 2. Theoretical framework</strong>
Role and Reference Grammar (RRG) is a functional theory originally posed in early 1980s by some linguists as Van valin and Foley. One basic question RRG attempts to answer is how the interaction of syntax, semantics and pragmatics in different grammatical systems can best be captured and explained (Van Valin, 2005: 1). Accordingly, in this theory, three syntactic, semantic and pragmatic representations, which are related to each other, are posited for every structure of the utterance; the theory attempts to provide a descriptive tool for clarifying such interaction, as well.There is a set of rules, called the linking algorithm, which relates the syntactic and semantic representations to each other, and discourse-pragmatics plays a role in the linking.To put it differently, in one hand, the semantic representation, or logical structue of the sentence, is written; on the other hand, a syntactic template is chosen for that sentence; discourse-pragmatics interacts with the linking between syntax and semantics. The main concepts in this linking are semantic structure based upon the aktionsarts and semantic macroroles (actor and undergoers).
<strong> 3. Methodology</strong>
Some data involving the object-oblique alternation are gathered from the Persian corpus of syntactc dependency, TV programs, newspapers, lectures, novels, daily conversations or any other sources providing authentic data in Persian. The hypothesis in this study is that semantic transitivity affects object-oblique alternation; therefore, the verbs which participate in such phenomena are selected from different semantic classification to clarify the role the core meaning of the verb has on the choice of alternating variant based upon the semantic factors it has. Theses data are, then, classified based on the semantic field of the involved verb; i.e. consumption verbs, conception verbs, vebs of interest, and contact verbs.
<strong>4. Results & Discussion</strong>
Object-oblique alternation can be regarded as a choice between macro-roles and non-macroroles in Role and Referene Grammar. The logical structure of the following sentences, for example, is do' (bačče-hâ, [eat' (bačče-hâ, [from'(qazâ)])]) (MR2) in which bačče-hâ is the actor and qazâ is the non-macrorole in (a) while it is an undergoer in (b).
(1) a. bačče-hâ az qazâ xord-and
child.pl from food eat. PAST. 3PL
Children ate from the food.
b. bačče-hâ qazâ râ xord-and
child.pl food RÂ eat. PAST. 3PL
Children ate the food.
Persian two-place predicates participate in object-oblique alternation which is influenced by several factors regading the semantic transitivity of the predicate. It seems, for example, that object-alternation is less probable when the action involved in the predicate is a telic one.
(2) a. bâyad toxmemorq râ be surat=e kâmel xord-Ø.
should egg RÂ to form=EZ complete eat-3SG. SUBJ.
One should eat egg completely.
b. *bâyad az toxmemorq be surat=e kâmel xord-Ø.
should from egg to form=EZ complete eat-3SG. SUBJ.
One should eat from egg completely.
Moreover, when the noun involved is a non-specific, it is not a participant in the event but part of the event and the alternation is not possible. A non-specific noun is more probable to follow a preposition.
(2) a. qazâ xord-im
food eat. PAST.1PL
We ate food.
b.*az qazâ xord-im
from food eat. PAST.1PL
We ate from food.
(3) a.(in) ketâb râ ɂehtiyâj dâr-am.
(this) book RÂ require have.PRES. 1SG
I require this book.
b. book RÂ require have.PRES. 1SG
I require book.
A telic activity on a specific participant can also imply affectedness on the same participant. Thus, affectedness can be highlighted as an influencing factor, as well. For contact verbs, animacy can also influence object-oblique alternation in Persian. An animate kickee can be followed by /râ/ while an inanimate one is more probably not, except for the events the affect is mentioned in the context.
(4) dâʔeš 23 šahrvand=e ʔrâqi râ lagad zad-Ø.
daish 23 citizen=EZ Iraqi RÂ kick hit.PAST.3SG
Daish kicked 23 Iraqi ctizens.
(5) be lane=(y)e zanbur lagad zad-Ø.
to nest=EZ bee kick hit.PAST.3SG
He kicked the beehive.
(6) tup râ be samt=e darvaze šut kard-Ø.
ball RÂ to direction=EZ gate shoot do.PAST.3SG
He shooted the ball into the gate.
<strong>5. Conclusions & Suggestions</strong>
The study shows that object-oblique alternation can be explained through semantics-syntax linking in RRG and it is mainly the result of a choice between a macrorole and a non-macrorole argument which is imposed to choose the second participant as undergoer in one alternate and as oblique core argument in the other; however, this is not always possible and some factors including the telicity of the verb and specificity of the second participant can influence the choice. Animacy and affectedness of the second participant can also play roles.
به بازنماییهای متفاوت مفعول به عنوان یک موضوع فعلی «تناوب مفعولی» گفته میشود. تناوب مفعولی مطالعهشده در این مقاله رابطۀ بین دو ساخت نحوی از یک فعل است که در آن مشارک دوم در یک ساخت در نقش مفعول مستقیم و ساخت دیگر در نقش موضوع حرف اضافهای ظهور مییابد. افعال زیادی در زبان فارسی دارای این نوع تناوب هستند که از بارزترین آنها فعلهای مصرفی، ادراکی، اشتیاقی و تماسی است. در این جستار به توصیف تناوب مفعولی در ساخت این فعلها از دیدگاه دستور نقش و ارجاع میپردازیم و عوامل معنایی مؤثر بر این تناوب را تبیین میکنیم. دادههای مرتبط از پیکرۀ وابستگی نحوی زبان فارسی، مکالمات گونۀ گفتاری فارسی معیار و متن سخنرانیها یا برنامههای تلویزیونی استخراج شده و در چارچوب این نظریه بررسی میشود. این مطالعه نشان میدهد که ساخت تناوب مفعولی در زبان فارسی انتخاب بین یک موضوع فرانقش و یک موضوع غیرفرانقش است و به نمود فعل و (نا)مشخص بودن مشارک دوم بستگی دارد.دانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65854220190923Syntactic Interference among Talishi-Persian and Persian-Talishi Bilingualsتداخل نحوی دوزبانههای تالشی-فارسی و فارسی-تالشی6398384710.22124/plid.2020.12257.1334FAمحرمرضایتی کیشه خالهاستاد زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه گیلان0000000157752359مریمدانای طوسدانشیار زبانشناسی همگانی، دانشگاه گیلانکیومرثخانبابازادهدانشجوی دکتری زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه گیلان000000170555325Journal Article20190111The research objective was to investigate Persian and Taleshi syntactic interferences among Persian-Taleshi, and Taleshi-Persian bilinguals, based on the contrastive analysis of the two languages. Moreover, the different types of interference and the main factors influential, as well as the role of the participants’ gender in occurrence of syntactic interference are explained. The research population included both the people who learned Persian prior to Taleshi, and the people who learned Taleshi prior to Persian. The research sample consisted of 20 Persian-Taleshi and 20 Taleshi-Persian bilinguals selected through convenience sampling method from the Taleshi speakers of Anbarān village (Ardebil Province) and the Anbarāni bilingual immigrants resident in the west side of Tehrān province, Āzādshar town and Shahr-e Qods. The participants’ age range was 8 to 20 (regarding both males and females). The research instrument included a questionnaire containing 50 sentences in Persian and the same number of their Taleshi equivalents. The data was gathered through the research questionnaire transcribed and glossed.
<strong>Extended Abstract</strong>
<strong>1. Introduction</strong>
Tālishi is a northwestern Iranian language which is spoken in some parts of Gilān and Ardabil provinces as well as in the Republic of Azerbaijān. Rezāyati- Kishekhāle (2007: 18) believes that this language has three branches: northern, central and southern. The structural differences between Persian and Tālishi in the field of syntax lead to bilinguals’ syntactic interferences. Investigating the linguistic interference between the two languages reveals many educational problems of Tālishi bilinguals. The results could be used to develop a comprehensive strategy for solving the educational problems and the issues of the two languages' contact as well as the educational material development.
<strong>2. Research Method</strong>
The present contribution was a field research performed through translating 50 sentences by the 8 to 20 years old bilinguals. The participants including twenty Persian speakers of Talishi origin (both male and female), who were selected among Anbarān migrants' resident in west of Tehran in Shahr-e Qods and Āzādshahr districts, and also twenty Tālishi- speaking bilinguals in Anbarān. Submitting the sentences to the bilinguals, they were asked to translate the Persian sentences to Tālishi, and vice versa. The sentences were transcribed and subsequently the ones containing interferences were selected and analyzed.
<strong>3. Theoretical framework</strong>
Contrastive analysis is the systematic study of the two languages to identify their structural differences and similarities. Three strong, weak, and modified versions of the Contrastive Analysis Hypothesis (CAH) have been proposed (see Keshāvarz, 2011: 10-12). In 1957, Lado introduced a strong version of the CAH. He believed that the reason for all the problems in learning a second language is interference. Wardhaugh is at the opposite end of Lado and he has provided a weak version with the diagnostic, explanatory, and non-predictive claims. Oller and Ziā Hosseini (1970), who found Lado's view as extreme and Wardhaugh's view as weak, proposed another version as the moderate version of this hypothesis based on their analysis of the spelling errors of the foreign language learners of English.
<strong>3-1. Bilingualism and Interference</strong>
Bilingualism means knowing and using two or more different languages so that one can use each language for their own communication needs (Nilipour, 129: 2011).
Linguistic interference refers to the entry of elements of one language into another language that occurs between bilinguals or during the languages contact. Grosjean (1982: 299) believes that interference is the unwanted effect of one language on another language which arises due to the lack of mastery of the bilingual on the vocabulary of the language.
<strong>3-2. Gender</strong>
Biological gender seems to be involved in the use of the different language varieties. Cameron (1998) believes that women and men belong to certain cultures which engage in gender discourses. Modarresi (1391: 211) considers women to be sensitive to their linguistic behaviors and this makes them conservative in the linguistic behaviors and using different language varieties.
<strong>4. Research findings and discussion</strong>
<strong>4-1. Persian-Tālishi bilinguals</strong>
Persian-Tālishi bilinguals are people who were born in a non-native environment. They learned Persian from parents at home, and from the Persian-speaking community before school, and they learned Tālishi later from conversations with grandparents and the other relatives. This group has generalized the features of Persian to Talishi in the case of the agreement of subject and verb. This group has generalized the agreement of the transitive verbs in the past tense with the object in Tālishi. <em>Like <strong>æv</strong> -<strong>ün</strong> man ʒæʃün</em>, 'They hurt me' instead of <em>æv -ün man ʒæ</em> 'they hurts me'.
Also, due to the difference of the two languages in the arrangement of the head, the bilinguals have transferred Persian features to Tālishi, such as using "divār-e sefid", 'white wall' instead of <em>sәpi-jæ divu</em>, 'wall white'.
This group has also transferred the function words, conjunctions, plural markers, pronouns, comparative adjectives, and verbs from their first language into the second language and produced the following expressions in Talishi: <em>dә gædæ hovæ væ bәvæm heste</em>, <em>'I have two little sister and brother'</em>, instead of <em>dә gædæ hovæ bә bәvæm heste, 'I have two little brothers and sisters'</em> and the pronouns <em>in, an, anha</em> <em>әm æ and ævün</em>, <em>'this, that, they'</em>.
<strong> </strong>
<strong>4-2.Talishi-Persian Bilinguals</strong>
In this section, the data obtained from 8 -20 years old Tālishi-Persian bilinguals living in the village of Anbarān-e Bālā is examined to determine the interferences due to the impact of the syntactic characteristics of Tālishi on Persian sentences. This group has produced sentences such as <em>an-ha mara zad</em>, 'They beat me' in Persian because of the Tālishi ergative case, in which there is no subject-verb agreement.
Also because of the arrangement of head and determiners in Tālishi, this group has produced the phrase <em>ʃirin angur</em>, 'sweet grape', instead of<em> angur-e ʃirin</em>, 'grapes sweet'.
Due to the structural differences between Tālishi and Persian languages in terms of functionwords, conjunctions, plural markers, comparative adjectives, pronouns and verbs, this group has generalized Tālishi features to Persian and produced sentences and phrases such as the following: <em>ækbær Siavaʃ æz bozorg æst, 'Akbar than Siyavash older is' </em>instead of <em>ækbar æz Siavaʃ bozorg-tær æst, 'Akbar is older than Siyavash'.</em>
Or, in the example<em> hæmeje in gāv væ bozhā male mæn æst, 'all these cow and goats are mine, instead</em> of <em>hæmeje in gāvhā væ bozhā male mæn æst, 'all these cows and goats are mine</em>'. In this later example, under the influence of Tālishi, the plural marker is omitted from the first noun. Removing comparative marker in the Persian equivalent such as<em> in mard az an mard javan ast, 'this man is young than that man'</em> instead of <em>in mard az an mard javan-tar ast</em>, 'this man is younger than that man, and the use of ān, 'it', instead of 'he' under the influence of Tālishi and the use of <em>sedā dād, 'gave voice' </em>instead of <em>sedā kard</em>, 'called' could be the other examples.
<strong>5. Conclusion</strong>
Persian-Tālishi bilinguals showed 82 cases of interferences, of which 40 (48.78%) have been used by males and 42 (51.22%) have been used by females, while TAlishi-Persian bilinguals demonstrated 52 cases of interferences, of which 27 (50.94%) have been used by males and 26 (49.06%) have been used by females. Hence, there was no significant difference between the two groups in terms of gender. These statistics show that out of 135 first-language syntactic interferences, 60.74% of errors were related to Persian-Tālishi bilinguals and 39.26% of errors to Tālishi-Persian bilinguals. This is due to the positive attitude towards Persian and its prevalence. Statistics also illustrate that the most interferences have occurred from the first language to the second language.
بررسی برخورد زبانی و کشف انواع تداخل در میان دوزبانهها به ما کمک میکند تا مشکلات و موانع آموزشی را شناسایی کنیم و به راهحلهای علمی برای ایجاد و اجرای آموزش درست و بهدور از تبعیض در میان گروههای قومی متفاوت با یک زبان رسمی دست یابیم. هدف این پژوهش، بررسی تداخلهای نحوی فارسی و تالشی در میان دوزبانههای تالشی- فارسی، و فارسی- تالشی براساس تجزیه و تحلیل مقابلهای است. بهعلاوه، انواع تداخلها، عوامل مؤثر بر رخداد آنها، و نیز نقش جنسیت در بروز این پدیده تبیین میشود. جامعة آماری این پژوهش بیست دوزبانۀ فارسی- تالشی، و بیست دوزبانۀ تالشی- فارسیِ هشت تا بیست ساله از دو جنسیت است که به روش نمونهگیری در دسترس از روستای تالشیزبان عنبران در استان اردبیل و مهاجران دوزبانة تالشی روستای عنبران در غرب استان تهران، شهرک آزادشهر و شهر قدس انتخاب شدهاند. ابزار این پژوهش، پرسشنامهای حاوی پنجاه جملة فارسی و به همین شمار معادل تالشی آنها بودهاست. دادههای این پژوهش پس از گردآوری، آوانویسی و گلاسنویسی شدهاند. نتایج پژوهش نشان داد که جنسیت در ایجاد تداخل نحوی تأثیر معناداری ندارد. دوزبانههای دو گروه بیشتر تداخلها را از زبان نخست به زبان دوم انجام دادهاند و میزان تداخل در میان دوزبانههای فارسی-تالشی بیشتر از تالشی- فارسی است.<br /> دانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65854220190923The Semantic Analysis of Evidentiality in Persianتحلیل معنایی گواهنمایی در زبان فارسی99120385110.22124/plid.2019.11631.1318FAراحلهگندمکاراستادیار زبانشناسی همگانی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی تهران0000-0003-2281-485XJournal Article20181104Languages are different with regards to marking evidentiality. They have systems in which information source as firsthand versus non firsthand, or direct versus indirect is represented. This paper focuses on modern Persian to examine the existence and representation of this grammatical category. Using examples and based on a descriptive method, this study shows that there is no obligatory morphological means for representing evidentiality in Persian, and the process of referring to the source of information is represented through an optional sentence. Persian uses a syntactic way of referring to information source, that is unlike English which has some lexical way namely expressions such as ‘reportedly, allegedly’, etc. It is therefore argued that encoding information source in Persian is not obligatory, but optional. Moreover, it is illustrated that evidentiality is fused with modality in Persian while a category by its own in only a few languages. Accordingly, it is not a distinct linguistic category in Persian, but a subtype of modality. Different Persian sentences show that there is a strong tendency for declarative sentences, sentences in declarative modality, to be mapped on the right of the continuum in preference to those sentences in subjunctive modality on the left.
<strong><strong>Extended Abstract</strong></strong>
<strong> 1. Introduction</strong>
Source of information is one of the issues in relation to which different languages of the world exhibit different behaviors. In nearly a quarter of the world's languages, it is important to know that on what sources of information the statements are based, for example, has the speaker seen, heard, been informed by others or deduced according to existing evidence? In these languages, lack of reference to the source of information causes ungrammaticality of the sentence. This grammatical concept encoding the source of information is called "evidentiality". In a simpler sense, evidentiality demonstrates how the speaker has come to know about what he says. Languages act in a variety of ways for representation of evidentiality; some simply mark only the information the speaker has acquired from someone else; while others differentiate between the firsthand and the non-firsthand sources. Some languages also compare the speaker's visually acquired information against information being heard, smelled or otherwise obtained through some other means. However, it should be noted that evidentiality is not related to the degree of the speaker’s assurance regarding the certainty of the sentence or truth and falsehood of the sentence in question.
In connection with the point previously mentioned, it is important to pay attention to two issues; firstly, the question of the compulsory nature of evidentiality in languages; and, secondly, the possibility of distinguishing between "mood" and "evidentiality". In the present article, we are going to find out, from a grammatical point of view, whether we can prove the existence of evidentiality in Persian. Furthermore, we endeavor to realize whether the semantic analysis of the concept confirms the answer to our first question or not.
<strong>2. Theoretical Framework</strong>
In the present paper, we will examine the issues at hand based on the viewpoint as presented in Aikhenvald (2003; 2004; 2007; 2012) regarding “evidentiality” and the perspective of Tabataba'i (2016) concerning “mood”. According to Aikhenvald’s view, some languages have a dual system of evidentiality, and some have a hexagonal system. The representation of the concept in these languages is mandatory and cannot be optionally removed. However, it seems that in recent research endeavors, various scholars have expanded this category in such a way that its representation, not only through bound morphemes, but also through other syntactic tools such as words, is also possible. In addition, it can be optional. Under such circumstances, all verbs, verbs that reflect thinking and adverbs like "probably" in English are indicative of evidentiality. Simply put, if we have such a mindset, then all languages will include the concept of evidentiality. In Aikhenvald's view, such a generalization that leads to lack of transparency and a kind of ambiguity is meaningless and unscientific. According to Tabataba’i (2016), mood is one of verb forms, with the help of which the speaker expresses his or her opinion about the definite, probable, or imperative sense of the verb. In today’s Persian, the verb has three moods including indicative, subjunctive and imperative.
<strong>3. Research Method</strong>
In this study, the author attempts to examine, in an analytical-descriptive manner, the phenomenon of evidentiality in a general sense and specifically in Persian. The author tries to describe the attributes of evidentiality and the conditions leading to its formation, while analyzing the existence of this phenomenon in Persian, using examples based on the linguistic intuition of the writer as a speaker of Persian.
<strong> </strong>
<strong>4. Research Findings and Discussion</strong>
Syntactically, there is no element in Persian in the form of a grammatical morpheme, as part of a closed group, which encodes the source of information. Of the three categories "aspect, mood, and tense," it is "mood" that shows the speaker's attitude toward a certain action and conveys this attitude to the listener or the audience. Therefore, if we are to examine evidentiality, that is to determine the speaker's attitude toward the type of information source that he or she describes and is in this regard, we are inevitably dealing with mood.
In Persian, changing mood satisfies changing the tense of the event, and consequently the meaning. One can confer a continuum of certainty for sentences, with a full certainty point at one end of the spectrum and a full uncertainty point at the other end. Other sentences fall between two poles. Indeed, in sentence "I saw it was raining," there is a certainty that cannot be seen in "It is probably raining." Similarly, the degree of certainty of the sentence "It is probably raining" is higher than "I dreamt it was raining." Accordingly, when the speaker is fully confident about the certainty of an event or news, he or she will generate the sentence in an indicative mood. The lower the speaker's confidence regarding the certainty of the event, the greater the probability of the statement being expressed in the subjunctive mood.
<strong>5. Conclusion</strong>
The present study shows that if we exclude mood from the verbs in Persian, evidentiality cannot be proposed through a semantic verifiable viewpoint. In other words, mood is regarded as the main concept while evidentiality as its subclass. Therefore, evidentiality cannot be considered disregarding "mood". Moreover, it was concluded that Persian speakers refer to the source of information not with the aid of bound morphemes or words, but rather sentences.
Understanding the speaker's attitude on the part of the audience is made on the syntagmatic axis and in the form of the whole sentence, and not merely through a particular syntactic element. Examining this concept with respect to cultural components shows that, basically, evidentiality, in languages belonging to small societies with a less advanced culture, is represented in a much more complex system comparing other languages.
گواهنمایی مقولهای زبانی است که بر اساس آن، گوینده باید منبع اطلاعات گفتهاش را در قالب تکواژ یا عنصری صرفی در جمله بازنمایی و مشخص کند که آیا گوینده، رویداد را دیده، شنیده، استنتاج کرده یا به شکل دیگری کسب کردهاست. نگارنده ضمن بررسی نمونههایی از فارسی گفتاری به بررسی گواهنمایی در فارسی امروز پرداخته و به روشی توصیفی ـ تحلیلی به این نتیجه رسیدهاست که دستکم برمبنای چند دلیل عمده نمیتوانیم به وجود گواهنمایی در فارسی قائل باشیم: نخست، در فارسی عنصر صرفی اجباری در قالب تکواژ یا واژهبست برای نمایش اختصاصی گواهنمایی وجود ندارد؛ دوم، اشاره به منبع اطلاعات نه به کمک ابزارهای صرفی، بلکه از طریق وجه فعل و به کمک «جمله»، آن هم به صورت اختیاری بازنمایی میشود؛ سوم، وجه مقولهای جهانی است، اما گواهنمایی ویژة تعداد محدودی از زبانهاست؛ چهارم، اگر وجه را از فعل کنار بگذاریم، امکان بازنمایی معنایی این مفهوم به طور کامل از بین میرود؛ پنجم، این مقوله در زبانهای جوامع کوچک و با فرهنگی نهچندان پیشرفته، در قالب نظامی بسیار پیچدهتر به کار میرود.دانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65854220190923The Derivational Suffixes ‘-in’ and ‘-ine’ within the Framework of Construction Morphologyپسوندهای اشتقاقی «-ین» و «-ینه» در چارچوب ساختواژۀ ساختی121144384910.22124/plid.2019.11241.1307FAپارسابامشادیدانشجوی دکتری زبانشناسی همگانی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تهران0000-0002-4573-7810شادیانصاریاندانشجوی دکتری زبانشناسی همگانی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تهران0000-0003-1238-9765نگارداوری اردکانیدانشیار زبانشناسی همگانی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تهران0000000308637180Journal Article20180908The purpose of the present research is to analyze two Persian suffixes ‘-in’ and ‘-ine’ in regards to their various formal and semantic aspects. The study adopts a construction-based approach and uses the framework of Construction Morphology theory (Booij, 2010, 2018) which tries to explain the word formation patterns using the notions of “constructional schemas” and the hierarchical relations among them. Construction Morphology is a word-based and sign-based theory which adopts a cognitive and usage-based approach to word formation. The data include 71 derivative words with the suffix ‘-in’ and 59 derivative words with the suffix ‘-ine’ adapted from the authors’ own morphological corpus (including more than 10000 Persian compound and affixed words), in addition to Farhang-e Zānsoo (Reverse Dictionary, Keshani 1993). The findings show that both suffixes have a remarkable semantic diversity and this polysemy is not explainable at the level of concrete words but at the level of abstract constructional schemas, therefore, is called “constructional polysemy”. The suffix ‘-in’ appears in 7 constructional subschemas to form new adjectives, while the suffix ‘-ine’ appears in 9 constructional subschemas to make new nouns or adjectives. <br /><strong> </strong> <br /> <strong>Extended Abstract</strong> <br /><strong>1. Introduction</strong> <br />Affixation is a major word-formation process in Persian so that this language has many suffixes that can be added to existing words to produce new words. The purpose of the present research is to analyze two Persian suffixes ‘-in’ and ‘-ine’ and to examine their various formal and semantic aspects. The study adopts a construction-based approach and uses the framework of Construction Morphology theory (Booij, 2010, 2018) which tries to explain the word formation patterns using the notions of “constructional schemas” and the hierarchical relations among them. The main questions of the research are as follows: (1) How can the various meanings of ‘-in’ and ‘-ine’ be analyzed in terms of constructional schemas and subschemas? (2) How can the polysemy of morphological patterns associated with these two suffixes be explained? <br /> <br /><strong>2. Theoretical framework</strong> <br />The theoretical framework of the research is Construction Morphology (Booij, 2010, 2018), a word-based and sign-based theory which adopts a cognitive and usage-based approach to word-formation. In Construction Morphology, word-formation patterns are considered as abstract schemas that generalize over sets of existing complex words with a systematic correlation between form and meaning. These abstract schemas are known as ‘constructional schemas’. For example, word formation pattern associated with suffix ‘-in’ can be represented as follows: <br />[[a]<sub>Xi </sub>–in]<sub>Yj</sub> « [Relating to SEM<sub>i</sub>]<sub>j</sub> <br />In this representation, ‘a’ is a variable standing for the base word and its lexical category is unspecified (X) and SEM<sub>i </sub>points to the meaning of the base word. The representation of word formation patterns by means of schemas makes it possible to express generalizations about subsets of the complex words involved, by means of subschemas, in between the most general schemas and the individual words. Therefore, the lexicon can be seen as a hierarchy in which morphological schemas, subschemas and concrete complex words are at different levels of schematicity (abstractness). <br /> <br /><strong>3. Methodology</strong> <br />This research uses a descriptive-analytical method. The data include 71 derivative words with the suffix ‘-in’ and 59 derivative words with the suffix ‘-ine’ which are adapted from author’s own morphological corpus (including more than 12000 Persian compound and affixed words) and Farhang-e Zānsoo (Reverse Dictionary, Keshani 1993). <br /> <br /><strong>4. Results & Discussion</strong> <br />The findings of the research show that both suffixes ‘-in’ and –ine’ have a remarkable semantic diversity and this polysemy is not explainable at the level of concrete words but at the level of abstract constructional schemas, and therefore is called “constructional polysemy”. The suffix ‘-in’ can appear in 7 constructional subschemas to form new adjectives, while the suffix ‘-ine’ can appear in 9 constructional subschemas to make new nouns or adjectives. The lowest-level subschemas for the suffix ‘-in’ are as follows: <br />1) [[a]<sub>(N-thing)i</sub> –in]<sub>Aj</sub> ↔ [made from SEM<sub>i</sub>]<sub>j</sub> <br />2) [[a]<sub>(N-thing)i</sub> –in]<sub>Aj</sub> ↔ [smeared with SEM<sub>i</sub>]<sub>j</sub> <br />3) [[a]<sub>(N-thing)i</sub> –in]<sub>Aj</sub> ↔ [similar to SEMi]<sub>j</sub> <br />4) [[a]<sub>(N-abstract)i</sub> –in]<sub>Aj</sub> ↔ [accompanied by SEM<sub>i</sub>]<sub>j</sub> <br />5) [[a]<sub>(N-loc)i</sub> –in]<sub>Aj</sub> ↔ [located at SEM<sub>i</sub>]<sub>j</sub> <br />6) [[a]<sub>(N-time)i</sub> –in]<sub>Aj</sub> ↔ [relating to the time SEM<sub>i</sub>]<sub>j</sub> <br />7) [[a]<sub>(Num)i</sub> –in]<sub>Aj</sub> ↔ [located at the position SEM<sub>i</sub>]<sub>j</sub> <br />The lowest-level subschemas for the suffix ‘-ine’ are as follows: <br />1) [[a]<sub>(N-thing)i</sub> -ine]<sub>(A/N)j</sub> ↔ [made from SEM<sub>i</sub>]<sub>j</sub> <br />2) [[a]<sub>(N-thing)i</sub> -ine]<sub>(A/N)j</sub> ↔ [similar to SEMi]<sub>j</sub> <br />3) [[a]<sub>(N-color)i</sub> -ine]<sub>A/Nj</sub> ↔ [of the color SEMi]<sub>j</sub> <br />4) [[a]<sub>(N-thing)i</sub> -ine]<sub>Nj</sub> ↔ [something relating to SEM<sub>i</sub>]<sub>j</sub> <br />5) [[a]<sub>(N-time)i</sub> –ine]<sub>Aj</sub> ↔ [relating to the time SEM<sub>i</sub>]<sub>j</sub> <br />6) [[a]<sub>(N-abstract)i</sub> –ine]<sub>(A/N)j</sub> ↔ [of the nature SEM<sub>i</sub>]<sub>j</sub> <br />7) [[a]<sub>(N-sex)i</sub> -ine]<sub>Aj</sub> ↔ [of the sex SEM<sub>i</sub>]<sub>j</sub> <br />8) [[a]<sub>Ai</sub> –ine]<sub>Aj</sub> ↔ [having SEM<sub>i</sub>-est extent/amount/rank]<sub>j</sub> <br />9) [[a]<sub>(Vpres)i</sub> -ine]<sub>Nj</sub> ↔ [the instrument by which the action SEM<sub>i</sub> is done]<sub>j</sub> <br />In the above representations, the lexical category or subcategory of the variable ‘a’ (the base word) is indicated by such labels as N-thing (concrete noun), N-abstract (abstract noun), N-time (noun indicating time), N-color (noun indicating color), N-sex (noun indicating sex), N-loc (locative noun), Num (number), A (adjective) and Vpres (present stem of verb). <br /> <br /><strong>5. Conclusions & Suggestions</strong> <br />The results reveal that if we conceive of word-formation patterns as constructional schemas that express the common properties of sets of complex words, we can successfully explain the phenomenon of polysemy in morphological structures. In this respect, the idea of a hierarchical lexicon lets us to see distinct meanings as different subschemas that are at different levels of abstraction.پژوهش حاضر دو پسوند اشتقاقی «-ین» و «-ینه» را در زبان فارسی بررسی و سویههای گوناگون معنایی و صوری آنها را واکاوی مینماید و میکوشد با رویکرد ساختبنیاد و در چارچوب نظریۀ ساختواژۀ ساختی الگوهای واژهسازی را بر پایۀ مفهوم «طرحوارههای ساختی» و رابطۀ پایگانی این طرحوارهها تبیین نماید. ساختواژۀ ساختی نظریهای واژهبنیاد و نشانهبنیاد در حوزۀ ساختواژه است که رویکردی شناختی و کاربردبنیاد به واژهسازی دارد. دادههای پژوهش برگرفته از پیکرۀ ساختواژی نگارندگان، با بیش از 12000 واژۀ مشتق و مرکب فارسی، و فرهنگ فارسی زانسو (کشانی، 1372) است که 71 واژۀ مشتق ساختهشده با پسوند «-ین» و 59 واژۀ ساختهشده با پسوند «-ینه» را در بر میگیرد. براساس یافتههای پژوهش این پسوندها تنوع معنایی چشمگیری دارند که در سطح طرحوارههای ساختی انتزاعی قابل تبیین است نه در سطح واژههای عینی زبان و از همینرو آن را چندمعنایی ساختی مینامند. پسوند «-ین» میتواند در 7 زیرطرحوارۀ ساختی نمایان شود و واژههایی از مقولۀ صفت بسازد، اما «-ینه» دارای 9 زیرطرحوارۀ ساختی است و واژههایی از مقولۀ اسم و صفت میسازد.دانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65854220190923A Cognitive Study on (Un)Boundedness of Prepositions in Persianبررسی حدنمایی حروف اضافه در زبان فارسی از منظر زبانشناسی شناختی145164385310.22124/plid.2019.12412.1338FAکتایونکوچکی زادکارشناس ارشد گروه زبان انگلیسی و زبانشناسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد رشتهنگامهواعظیاستادیار گروه زبان انگلیسی و زبانشناسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد رشتJournal Article20190128The present research deals with (un)boundedness of Persian prepositions on the basis of cognitive approach in Jackendoff (1983) and Zwarts (2005). Our objective in this paper is to determine the types of Persian prepositions regarding (un)boundedness; in addition to show that whether they can basically be classified on the basis of (un)boundedness or not. The data analysis demonstrates that prepositions in Persian are divided into three main classes: a) The bounded-path b) Directions and c)Routes. In the first group, specific points are set as the source and the goal of the path, known as "source-paths" e.g. <em>az</em>,<em> az bālāye</em>, <em>az bīrūne</em>; and "goal-paths" e.g <em>be</em> or <em>tā</em>. The second group known as “directions,” e.g. <em>be sūye</em> or <em>be tarafe,</em> show the general path along which someone or something moves. The third group, namely “routes”, e.g. <em>az bālāye </em>is applied in the expression “<em>az bālāye čīzī gozaštan”</em>,or “<em>az rūye čīzī rad šodan”</em>. Persian data show that a similar preposition can function as a source-path or as a route preposition depending on the context. Therefore, each type of prepositions can represent different motion spaces. The study of (un)boundedness in Persian data illustrates that prepositions can be classified into bounded (telic), unbounded(atelic), and those found with common characters between bounded and unbounded. However, it is argued that they cannot be classified into bounded and unbounded discounting their context (particularly, the verbs). It can be concluded that in comparison with the prepositions of other languages such as English, there is no definite border line between boundedness and unboundedness in Persian prepositions disregarding their usage in the sentence.
<strong> </strong>
<strong>Extended Abstract</strong>
1. Introduction
Cognitive linguistics is based on studying the mind and cognition. The interaction between linguistic modules and encyclopedic meaning is of highly importance. The viewpoints in cognitive linguistics contrast with Chomsky's idea, who believes in autonomous syntax. Jackendoff (1983) studied English language regarding cognitive linguistics. Prepositions have been investigated in several languages including Persian. One of the subjects discussed was to study prepositions on the basis of time and place properties. Another topic is the problem of (un)boundedness. Prepositions are vital to understand the meaning of a sentence. In consequence of their importance in cognitive linguistics, the authors intended to investigate Persian prepositions based on "(un)boundedness". This type of research has not been observed in the previous studies. The main question is to know whether it is possible to draw a vivid borderline between the bounded and unbounded situations among Persian Prepositions.
2. Theoretical framework
The most important distinction within the class of spatial prepositional phrases is the differentiation between [PLACE] and [PATH] (Jackendoff,1983). Jackendoff (1983) believes that a place projects into a point or region. Within the structure of an event or state, a place is occupied by a thing. Paths have more varied structures than places and play a wider variety of roles in events and states. Zwarts (2005) also believes that spatial prepositions can be divided into locative (or static) and directional (or dynamic) prepositions.
Locative (static) prepositions: above, at
Directional (dynamic) prepositions: across, along,
Zwarts (2005), like Jackendoff (1983) believed that prepositions are semantically similar to nouns and verbs and can be divided into bounded and unbounded. Analogous to telic and atelic verbs, they distinguish telic or bounded prepositions from atelic or unbounded prepositions. Based on the durative adverbial test (<em>in, for</em>) the following classifications are:
Bounded: to, into, onto, from,
Unbounded: towards, along,
(Un)bounded: across, around, down,
3. Methodology
In this paper, a descriptive–analytic method has been used. The examples given here are mostly cited from books and native speakers’ intuition. The descriptive method of research uses qualitative data analysis method, i.e. non- statistical analysis.
4. Results & Discussion
In bounded paths, the source or goal of the path is clear. So they are classified as source-paths and goal-paths. In Persian, the preposition <em>az </em>‘from’ is used in the source-paths (1) and <em>be</em> ‘to’ in goal-paths (2).
1. man <em>az</em> xāne pīyāde āmadam.
<em> I from home on foot came</em>.
'I came from home on foot'.
2. Maryam <em>be</em> xāne raft.
<em> Maryam to home went</em>
'Maryam went home'.
The prepositions <em>az </em>‘from’ and <em>be </em>‘to’in Persian are sometimes used in compound forms such as: <em>az bālāye</em> ‘from the top of’ <em>az bīrūn-e</em> ‘from outside of’. Most of them are unbounded when they are accompanied by one of the following verbs: <em>gozaštan ‘pass’, obur kardan ‘pass’.</em>The compound prepositions like <em>be sū-ye</em> ‘toward’ <em>be taraf-e</em> ‘toward’ denote to directions and are also unbounded which is explained in the following. Unbounded paths consist of two groups; directions and routes. In directions, the reference object or place does not fall on the path, but if the path was extended over some unspecified distance, it would fall on the path. In this group, the most common prepositions used in Persian are: <em>sū-ye </em>‘toward’, <em>be sū-ye </em>‘toward’, <em>be taraf-e </em>‘toward’ and <em>dūr-az </em>‘away from.
3. Maryam <em>be taraf-e</em> xāne raft.
<em>Maryam toward home went</em>
'Maryam went toward home'.
In routes, the reference object or place is related to a certain point in the interior of the path. In Persian, the preposition <em>az </em>‘from’ and its compound forms (i.e. <em>az bālā-ye </em>‘from the top of’, <em>az bīrūn-e</em> ‘from the outside of’, <em>az beyn-e</em> ‘from between’, <em>az pāyīn-e </em>‘from the down part of’, <em>az pošt-e </em>‘from the back of’, can be considered route prepositions when they must be accompanied with one of the verbs like <em>gozaštan ‘pass’, obūr kardan ‘pass’, and so on.</em>
4. havāpeyma <em>az bālā-ye</em> xāne-ye mā gozašt.
<em> airplane from over house our passed</em>
'The airplane passed over our house'.
The path prepositions <em>beyn-e </em>‘between’, <em>dowr-e </em>‘around’, <em>gerd-e </em>‘around’ belong to both groups; they are in common with bounded and unbounded.
In general, the boundness or unboundedness of Persian prepositions depends on the use in the sentence ; it may differ in various contexts. For example:
5. golhāye zībayī <em> bālā-ye</em> kūh ruyīde būd.
<em> Flowers beautiful over mountain had grown</em>
'Beautiful flowers had grown over the mountain'.
The preposition <em>bālā-ye</em> is considered unbounded in (5) , because it is used as a place preposition. However in the following example:
6. Ali <em>bālā-ye</em> kūh raft.
Ali over mountain went
'Ali climbed over the mountain'
it is used as a goal path preposition in (6). Therefore, it is a bounded preposition.
5. Conclusions & Suggestions
It was made clear that Persian prepositions play an important role in the event structure of a sentence. Semantically, prepositions turn out to be quite similar to nouns and verbs in this respect. In addition, they show telic and atelic aspects. A prepositional phrase may shift the aspect of a sentence from atelic to telic.
While place prepositions are unbounded, path prepositions can be divided into bounded, unbounded and a group being held in common between bounded and unbounded. Some prepositions like <em>tā </em>‘<em>until’</em>, be ‘to’, or <em>az ‘from’</em> and its compounds such as <em>az bālā-ye </em>‘from the top of’, <em>az bīrūn-e </em>‘from the outside of’, <em>az pošt-e </em>‘from the back of’, <em>az pahlū-ye </em>‘from the side of’, <em>az pīš-e </em>‘from near’ are bounded prepositions. Being used with verbs like <em>gozaštan </em>‘<em>pass</em>’, <em>obūr kardan ‘pass’</em>, <em>rad šodan ‘pass</em>’, they are unbounded prepositions. Moreover, the prepositions <em>be bālā </em>‘upward’,<em> be bīrūn </em>‘outward’,<em> be pāyīn </em>‘downward’, <em>be post </em>‘backward’,<em> be pahlū </em>‘aside’, are directions and belong to unbounded group. The path prepositions <em>beyn-e </em>‘between’, <em>dowr-e </em>‘around’, <em>gerd-e </em>‘around’ are held in common between bounded and unbounded groups. The Persian prepositions cannot be classified into bounded and unbounded discounting their context. In Persian, there is no definite borderline between (un)boundedness of prepositions disregarding their use in sentence. We suggest that the spatial and place prepositions in comparison with other type of prepositions should be investigated for the future researches.پژوهش حاضر به بررسی حدنمایی انواع حروف اضافه در زبان فارسی و فضاهای متفاوت حرکتی آنها برپایۀ رویکرد شناختی جکندوف (1983) و زوآرت (2005) میپردازد. حروف اضافه مسیریِ فارسی به سه دسته اصلی تقسیم میشوند: مسیرهای محدود که در آنها نقطهای مشخص برای مبدأ و مقصد تعیین میشود. از اینرو آنها، مسیرمبدأها (مانند از، از بالایِ، از بیرونِ و ...) و مسیرمقصدها (به، تا و ...) نامیده میشوند؛ مسیرهای جهتی (بهسویِ یا بهطرفِ و ...) که جهت کلیحرکت را میرسانند؛ خط سیری (از بالایِ در عبارت از بالایِ چیزی گذشتن و یا از رویِ چیزی رد شدن) که فقط به نقطهای در طول حرکت از نظر زمانی اشاره میکنند. بررسی فضای حرکتی هر یک از آنها نشان میدهد که حروف اضافه فارسی سه حالت محدود، نامحدود و مشترک میان آن دو (هم محدود و هم نامحدود) را در بر میگیرد. اما نکته اینجاست که حروف اضافه را نمیتوان بهتنهایی و فارغ از جمله به صورت محدود و نامحدود دستهبندی نمود؛ بلکه به کاربردِ آن در جمله و نوع فعل نیز بستگیدارد. بهطورکلی میتوان نتیجهگرفت که در مقایسه با زبانهای دیگر مانند انگلیسی، خط مرز قاطعی میان محدودیت و نامحدودیت حروف اضافه بدون کاربردِ آن در جمله وجود ندارد.دانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65854220190923Novel Data from The Life and Works of Mullah Mir Ghari Guilani, Based on His Manuscripts and The Others’یافتههایی تازه از زندگی و آثار ملّا میرقاری گیلانی براساس نسخههای خطّی آثار وی و دیگران165197385210.22124/plid.2019.11466.1329FAمحمّد هادیفلاحتیدانشجوی دکتری زبان و ادبیّات فارسی، دانشگاه بینالمللی امام خمینی قزوینمحمد تقیآذرمینااستادیار زبان و ادبیّات فارسی، دانشگاه بینالمللی امام خمینی قزوینرضاسمیع زادهاستادیار زبان و ادبیّات فارسی، دانشگاه بینالمللی امام خمینی قزوینJournal Article20190101Recognizing influential faces in literature and culture while having them immensely praised seems identical to eulogize the culture and knowledge. One of the not well-known Iranian scholars is Mullah Mir Ghari Guilani. Living in Safavid era, he has not been paid deserved attention. However, reviewing predecessors’ works, we confront with dual faces of Mullah Mir Ghari. On the one hand, he has been known as a member of Bolyani family and on the other hand as Taghio’ddin Mohammad Ohadi Bolyni’s father- in- law )973-1043), the holder of Arefatol Asheghin. He has published about 42 works, including vocabulary, Qoran reading, correspondence, and astronomy. Some of his works, in terms of manuscripts, are preserved in different libraries available for all researchers. The present contribution bears an attempt to correct the historical misunderstandings regarding Mir Ghari;s dates of birth and death, his attributed dual faces, and the date of his publications. Moreover, we will represent a new biography of his mysterious life based on his manuscripts, except Anisolaghalin,
<strong> </strong>
<strong>Extended Abstract</strong>
<strong>1. Introduction</strong>
One of the duties of literature is to recognize the authors and introduce their works. Molla Mirqari Gilani is one of those anonymous authors and scientists of Iran that deserves to be recognized. In this article we try to share our findings with other researchers.
This article has four sections. The first section contains those findings that are collected from the works of the others. These works include books of memoirs, the history of literature, the list of manuscripts, the biography of the celebrated and the collection of letters.
The second section is on the opinion of Anis-al-aqelin as a proofreader about Molla Mirqari Gilani. His book had the chance to be corrected three times, first time was corrected by Nazila Abouʹee Mehrizi in 2008, second time by Tayabeh Azari-Nia in 2009, and the third time by Fatemeh Aqaee Kandanqoli in 2009. This article will focus on the correction of Nazila Abouʹee Mehrizi.
In the third section we have referred to the works of Molla Mirqari Gilani. There were some hints of his life in his works, that may illuminate the corners of his life. These hints were derived and recorded, consequently, and according to data collected, the studies of other researchers were criticized and examined.
In the fourth section, the result of search in manuscripts is presented briefly.
<strong>2. Theoretical framework</strong>
Our theoretical approach in this article is a critical and analytical approach. Studying the sources that exist about Molla Mirqari and according to his works, we have concluded that venerable researches may have been mistaken so that they have supposed two different individuals with the same name and contemporary characters as one single individual. The aim of this article is to criticize the opinions of earlier researchers and to present another biography based on his works.
<strong>3. Metodology</strong>
This article employs an inductive and library research method. First of all, we read the book of Anis-al-aqelin, and noted it down. Afterwards, we collected, studied and took notes of the works referred to Molla Mirqari. Besides, according to his works such as Sayahef-al-ahbab, Mataleb-al-oshaq, Lavazem-al-ensha and the principle of letter writing, all in the form of manuscripts; we rewrote and derived certain points through them. Moreover, by referring to some collections of letters, we found some letters connected to Molla Mirqari and derived particular information from them. In the next step, and using the information obtained from his works and the collection of letters, we examined and criticized the studies of other researchers.
<strong>4. Results and Discussion</strong>
Considering the works of researchers about Molla Mirqari and studying his own works, we doubted some researchers to have supposed two different characters with the same name as one single character and gave one biography to the other. The summary of what they have said about him is as follows: Molla Mirqari was born in the second half of the tenth century. He had a relation with Balyani family. Taqi-al-din Mohammad Ovahedi Balyani was his pupil for four years. Molla Mirqari was his father’s cousin and his uncle. Molla Mirqari had a daughter, to a certain degree, since he chose Taqi-al-din as his son-in-law. However, some believe that he had a son named Abd-al-razaq Gilani. The books such as Zobdah-al-haqayeq, Lavazem-al-ensha, Mataleb-al-oshaq, Asra-al-Qoran, Anis-al-aqelin, description of Nasab, Asrar-al-hekam, treatise of astronomy, treatise of Kimia, Daqayeq-al-haqayeq, rosoom-al-alaj and Sahayef-al-akhbar are known to be of his works.
Studying the works of Molla Mirqari, we conclude that the available information on his date of birth, his relation to Balyani family, his son-in-law, his son and the writing date of some of his works are not correct. We have discussed it in conclusion section.
<strong>5. Conclusions and Suggestions</strong>
Molla Mirqari Gilani was born in the first half of the tenth century in ‘Gouke’ village. He learned the introductory knowledge in Guilan. We know little about his youth, except that he had no good memories of those days.
We know little about his family. In one of his letters he has mentioned a brother that lived in Gouke and in another letter he’s mentioned his sisters. In the book Mataleb-al-oshaq, he has talked about a well-spoken beloved, who seemed to had lived with him for a while, but death had separated them. From then on, until the date of writing Mataleb-al-oshaq in 1005 AH; he was so sorrowful. After this event, he lived in isolation.
From 974 AH, his trace is observable in Guilan. In 975 AH, he was a well-known personality. He wrote his first work by the request of his friends and entitled Sayahef-al-ahbab. This work and the principle of writing indicate that probably Molla Mirqari must have been working as a scribe for noblemen in a while; being famous for his technique. But this career didn’t last long because of an air of despondency which led him to solitude. The despondence had begun a long time ago before 974 AH. In his first work, he drew a sorrowful and dependence face of himself. This aspect remains more vigorously, until his last work, description of Nasab. The sorrow of his beloved death made him a dissociable and isolated one. This isolation that, was associated with poverty, disturbed his soul more than ever. In addition, unorganized situation of Guilan, the slaughter that the princes who have ruled at the two sides of Sepidrood, have caused, the oppression of the rulers who ruled Guilan on the Safavid kings’ behalf who treated unjust to the people of Guilan; all these matters made him more despondent and annoyed. Due to this matter, he wrote letters of protest for the king and noblemen to complain of the situation.
On the other hand, the self-imposed isolation gave him enough time for research and authorship. Between 975 AH and 982 AH, his works reached 32 works. But because of his poor financial condition, he wasn’t able to give his works to the scribes to be at the disposal of the scholars. From 982 AH to 1016 AH, he added ten other works to his works. From 982 AH to 1000 AH, there’s no sign of him in our studied works. Some others have written for Molla Mirqari too. One of these letters is the letter of Mirza Mohammad Shafi ̍the secretary of Guilan. Although he was one the influential men in the Shah Abbas court, he responded to Molla Mirqari respectfully.
The works of Molla Mirqari can be divided into two groups: the works that exist and those that don’t exist, and we just know about their titles.
The works of the first group are:
1) Asrar-al-Qoran, 2) Sahayef-al-ahbab 975 AH, 3) Mataleb-al-oshaq 1002 AH, 4) Lavazem-al-ensha 1003 AH, 5) Anis-al-aqelin 1005 AH, 6) The principal of letter writing 1005 AH, 7) Asrar-al-hekam 1009 AH, 8) The description of Nasab 1016 AH, 9) The treatise of astronomy, before 1016 AH, 10) A brief treatise in syntax, before 1000 AH, 11) Zobda-al-haqayeq 1000 AH, 12) The treatise of Kimia, before 1016 AH, 13) The translation of Lom ̍a ez-al-din ebn jafar ebn shams-al-din Amoli into Arabic. Molla Mirqari has inserted this work into Zobda-al-haqayeq.
The works of the second group are:
1) Bahr-al-oloum, 2) Hqayeq-al-asrar, 3) The description of Isaqouji, 4) Halal-al-ma ̍ani, 5) Romouz-al-Qoran, 6) the minor description of Nasab into Arabic, 7) Daqayeq-al-haqayeq, 8) Rosoum-al-alaj, 9) Rosoum-al-falah
Among 42 works that Molla Mirqari has mentioned them, only 22 works are recognized by now. By searching more, we hope to find more works attributed to him.
The last work of Molla Mirqari, the description of Nasab, has been written in 1016 AH. From then on, there’s no other sign of him. Probably he has passed away at this time.
شناخت چهرههای فرهنگی و ارج نهادن به آنها، ارج نهادن به فرهنگ و دانش است. یکی از دانشیمردان گمنام تاریخ ایران ملّا میرقاری گیلانی است. وی در دورۀ صفوی میزیست و ظاهراً در روزگار خود نیز «قدر ندید و بر صدر ننشست». با جستوجو در آثار پیشینیان، با چهرهای دوگانه از ملّا میرقاری گیلانی مواجه میشویم. برخی او را از خاندان بلیانی میدانند و عدّهای نیز قائل به چنین انتسابی نیستند. بعضی معتقدند که او پدرِ زنِ تقیالدّین محمّد اوحدی بلیانی (۹۷۳ -۱۰۴۲ق)، صاحب <em>عرفاتالعاشقین</em> است. وی صاحب چهل و دو اثر در موضوعات مختلف مانندِ قرائت قرآن، ترسّل و نامهنگاری، لغت، نجوم و ... است. برخی آثار وی به صورت نسخۀ خطّی در کتابخانهها نگهداری میگردد. در این مقاله تلاش میکنیم نخست اشتباههای برخی پژوهندگان دربارۀ تاریخ ولادت و وفات ملّا میرقاری گیلانی، درهمآمیختگی دو چهرۀ همنام، تاریخ تألیف آثار وی و ... را برطرف سازیم و سپس بر پایۀ آثار وی - که جملگی نسخههای خطّی هستند، جز <em>انیسالعاقلین</em>- به نگارش زندگینامه دیگری برای وی دست یازیم.