دانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857220230121Anti-Persianism in a recent century in Afghanistanفارسیستیزی در یک سدۀ اخیر در افغانستان733659410.22124/plid.2023.24197.1626FAمحرمرضایتی کیشه خالهاستاد زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایرانبسم اللهبرهانیدانشجوی دکتری زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایران.Journal Article20230330The Persian language, which is called “Farsi” in Iran, “Dari” in Afghanistan, and “Tajiki” in Tajikistan, has been the official and court language of the land that is called Afghanistan today. This language has experienced a painful history since the formation of independent government in Afghanistan and changing the name of Khorasan to Afghanistan (1747 AD) until today. During this period, tribal and ethnic rulers have ruled the country with the approach of Pashtunism and each of them has adopted a specific orientation towards the Persian language. Since the beginning of the 20<sup>th</sup> century, they have tried to remove the Persian language from the official and national domain and replace it with other languages, including Pashto. While other common languages in Afghanistan never have had the background and the extent of Persian language in social, historical and cultural terms. The policy of marginalization of the Persian language, which started during the period of Amir Habibullah Khan (r. 1901-1919), has been followed with ups and downs in the following periods and until today - 18 months have passed since the second period of the Taliban rule. As it was removed from the administrative and educational system for a short period of time during the half-century rule of the Al Yahya dynasty (1308-1357), and then, in 1343, the name “Dari” was imposed on this language and it was included as one of the two official languages, along with Pashto, in the constitution of the Zaher Shah era. This position was also maintained during the communist regimes; but after the civil wars and the domination of the Taliban (1375-1380) it was treated more unkindly. With the establishment of democracy and the formation of the Islamic Republic (1380-1400), and in the constitution that was approved in 1382, Pashto and Persian were recognized as the two official languages in Afghanistan, with the difference that preference was given to Pashto and the national anthem of this country was also made in Pashto language. Also, academic, military and administrative terms were assigned to Pashto language only. Finally, with the fall of the republican system and the Taliban regaining control over Afghanistan, this group has tried to remove the Persian language and terms from government offices and signs.<br /> <br /><strong>Ex</strong><strong>tended abstract</strong><br /><br /><strong>1.Introduction</strong><br /><br />Persian is the language of the majority of the people of Afghanistan. This language has been the only official and administrative language of Afghanistan since the distant past until 1964, when it found a competitor called “Pashto”. After the establishment of a country called Afghanistan by Ahmad Shah Abdali (1747), the rulers of Afghanistan, who were all from the Pashtun/Afghan people, tried to weaken and even erase other ethnic groups and languages, and by doing this, they made their people more prominent than other ethnic groups and they consider themselves the main owners of Afghanistan. During the mentioned period, these rulers had different orientations towards the Persian language. Some of them have shown prejudice-free behavior and others have shown hostile and militant behavior. Since the beginning of the 20th century, special attention has been paid to the Pashto language in different administrative fields and government documents. This process started from the time of Habibullah Khan and reached its peak during the time of Nader Shah and Zahir Shah, and even made the government and education system monolingual in Pashto for a while. During this period, Pashto language terms were imposed on Dari Persian, especially in the fields of “administrative”, “university and higher education”, “press” and “army”, with the intention of lowering the status of Persian language. This policy was followed a little more calmly in the era of democracy; But after that, especially during the first period of the Taliban government and their current government, it is followed in a harsher and more domineering manner, and everything from administrative letters to city signs is changed to Pashto language.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><br /><strong>2.Theoretical framework</strong><br /><br />This research has investigated the policy of the rulers of Afghanistan towards the Persian language in the recent century. In order to facilitate the implementation of the research, the various policies of the rulers and in order to establish the historical position of the Persian language in Afghanistan, first, the history of this language has been briefly discussed since the establishment of an independent country called Afghanistan (1747) until the 20th century. After that, regarding different policies of the rulers of Afghanistan, the following courses have been defined for the Persian language:<br /><br />Setting the stage for bringing the Pashto language to the stage at the beginning of the 20th century (1929-1901);<br />Identification with Pashto language and conflict with Persian language (1928-1977);<br />Reduction of conflict with Persian during the communist period (1978-1992);<br />Persian language in civil wars and the rule of the first period of Taliban (1992-2001);<br />Persian language in two decades of democracy and Islamic Republic system (2001-2021);<br />Persian language in the second period of Taliban rule (2021-...).<br /><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>3.Methodology</strong><br /><br />The current research was done with analytical-descriptive method and with library method and it investigated the policies of the contemporary rulers of Afghanistan (from 1901 till now) in relation to Persian language in six topics. For this purpose, both historical sources and constitutions and media have been used and in some cases these sources have been compared with each other.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>4.Results and research findings</strong><br /><br />The policy of marginalizing the Persian language in Afghanistan started during the period of Amir Habibullah Khan (r. 1901-1919). In this period, according to Mahmoud Tarzi, an attempt was made to raise Pashto as a competitor to Persian, and to lower the status of Persian. The foundation stone for the improvement of Pashto language, which was laid by Mahmoud Tarzi, during the Nader Khan period, was combined with the government's determination to fight and treat the Persian language with hostility. As a person named Mohammad Gul Khan Momand had assumed the unofficial mission of fighting against the Persian language. Momand started agitations in generalizing the Pashto language and rejecting the Persian language not only from government departments, but also from educational institutions and even homes and markets. He forced the Dari-speaking and Turkish-speaking people to write their petitions in Pashto language and did not give any effect to the petitions that reached him in “Dari language”. He burned more than one thousand Persian manuscripts, which contained historical and government letters and documents, from the library of Rawda Sakhi in Mazar-e-Sharif. This hostility of Mohammad Gul Khan with Farsi language was continued by Mohammad Hashem Khan. To the extent that textbooks were printed only in Pashto for a period and Persian language was removed from textbooks and educational institutions, but due to the lack of human resources for teaching and the majority of Persian speakers, this action did not work. Linguistic fanaticism went so far that even learning Pashto was made compulsory.<br /> This policy has been followed with ups and downs in the following periods and until today. As in 1964, the name “Dari” was imposed on this language, and it was included as one of the two official languages, along with Pashto, in the constitution of the Zahir Shah era. This position was also maintained during the communist regimes; but after the civil wars and the domination of the Taliban (1996-2001), it was treated more unkindly. With the establishment of democracy and the system of the Islamic Republic (2001-2021), Pashto and Persian were recognized as the two official languages of Afghanistan, with the difference that preference was given to Pashto and the national anthem was made in Pashto. Finally, with the fall of the republican system and the Taliban regaining control over Afghanistan, this group has tried to remove the Persian language and terms from government offices and city signs.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>5.Conclusions</strong><br /><br />The Persian language was used as the official and common language in Afghanistan since the distant past, but with the Tribalization of power and sovereignty, a number of rulers, using the power of coercion, proposed the Pashto language as a competitor, in order to marginalize the Persian language. This issue caused that during the last hundred years, many Persian terms in Afghanistan, especially in the military and army departments, government offices and scientific-university terms, were replaced by Pashto terms. Mahmoud Tarzi was the one who tried to lower the old and rich Persian language to the level of the language of street and market by falsifying the term “national language”. The linguistic and cultural policies of the government of Amir Amanullah (1919-1928) and the rulers after him were influenced by Mahmoud Tarzi's ideas, and some of them were even removed from the textbooks. On the other hand, despite the lofty status of the Persian language in Afghanistan, there are also dangers threatening this language. The absence of an independent academy and the Afghan government's lack of support for this language have made it easy for the influx of foreign words. Once again, with all the efforts that have been made to weaken the Persian language in the contemporary era of Afghanistan and the Pashto language has been put on the stage as a competitor, it can be seen that the Persian language has still maintained its position and today the majority of the people of Afghanistan speak this language. The mother tongue of half of the people of Afghanistan, including Tajiks, Hazaras, Imaqs, Ghazalbashs, Khalilis, is Persian. At least 90% of non-Persian-speaking residents in Afghanistan have a knowledge in Persian equal to their mother tongue.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>Select Bibliography</strong><br />Anoushe Hassan. Encyclopedia of Persian literature: Persian literature in Afghanistan. edited by Hassan Anoushe. Volume 3. Tehran: Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, Printing and publishing organization; 2002. [in Persian]<br />Habibi Abdul-Hay. Constitutionalism Movement in Afghanistan. Cultural Commission of Islamic Unity Party of Afghanistan; 1993. [in Persian]<br />Rahin Rasul. History of Dari Persian language. Tehran: Al-Hadi; 2009. [in Persian]<br />Ghobar Mir Gholam Mohammad. History of Afghan literature (Mohammadzai period). Kabul: Arash; 1951. [in Persian]<br />Farhang. Mir Mohammad Seddiq. Afghanistan in the last five centuries. Tehran: Irfan; 2006. [in Persian]<br />Kazemi Mohammad Kazem. Bilingualism and Bilingualism, Tehran: Irfan; 2015. [in Persian]<br />Kohzad Ahmad Ali, Ali Mohammad Zahma, et al. History of Afghan Literature, Kabul: Iqra Publications Library; 2007. [in Persian]<br />Maile Hervi Najib. History and language in Afghanistan, Tehran: Offset Public Company; 1992. [in Persian]<br />Mozafari Seyyed Abu Talib. The Capital of Fairies: Contemporary Poetry of Afghanistan, Tehran: Iran Poets Association; 2013. [in Persian]زبان فارسی که آن را در ایران «فارسی»، در افغانستان «دری» و در تاجیکستان «تاجیکی» میخوانند، از گذشتههای دور زبان رسمی و درباری سرزمینی که امروزه افغانستان میخوانند، بودهاست. این زبان از زمان شکلگیری حکومت مستقل در افغانستان و تغییر نام خراسان به افغانستان (1747م) تا به امروز سرگذشت غمانگیزی داشتهاست. سیاست بهحاشیهراندن زبان فارسی که از دورة امیر حبیباللهخان (1901-1919م) شروع شد، در دورههای بعد و تا امروز با فرازونشیبهایی دنبال شدهاست. چنانکه در دورة نیمقرنة حکمرانی خاندان آلیحیی (1308-1357ش) برای مدت کوتاهی بهکلی از نظام اداری و آموزشی حذف شد و سپس در سال 1343ش اسم «دری» بر این زبان تحمیل شد و بهعنوان یکی از دو زبان رسمی در کنار زبان پشتو در قانون اساسی دورة ظاهرشاه درج شد. این جایگاه در دورۀ نظامهای کمونیستی نیز حفظ شد؛ اما پس از جنگهای داخلی و تسلط طالبان (1375-1380ش) بیشازپیش مورد بیمهری قرار گرفت. با رویکار آمدن دموکراسی و شکلگیری نظام جمهوری اسلامی (1380-1400ش) و در قانون اساسی مصوب 1382ش، زبان پشتو و فارسی بهعنوان دو زبان رسمی در افغانستان شناخته شد، با این تفاوت که ارجحیت به زبان پشتو داده شد و سرود ملی این کشور نیز به زبان پشتو ساخته شد. همچنین اصطلاحات دانشگاهی، نظامی و اداری تنها به زبان پشتو واگذار شد. سرانجام، با سقوط نظام جمهوری و تسلط دوبارة طالبان بر خاک افغانستان، این گروه مجددا درصدد حذف زبان و اصطلاحات فارسی از ادارات و لوایح دولتی شدهاست.<br /> https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_6594_e30983c3bc76341c6a0c9118ba5a307a.pdfدانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857220230121Productivity of Derivational Affixes in Surani Kurdish Language: Corpus-based Approachمیزان زایایی وندهای اشتقاقی در زبان کردی سورانی، رویکرد پیکرهبنیان3551646010.22124/plid.2023.23607.1622FAسیده سارهصادقیدانش آموخته دکتری زبانشناسی همگانی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه بوعلیسینا، همدان، ایران .نجم الدینبراخاصیدانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد زبانشناسی همگانی، دانشکده زبان و ادبیات، دانشگاه کردستان، سنندج، ایرانابراهیمبدخشاندانشیار گروه زبان انگلیسی و زبانشناسی، دانشکده زبان و ادبیات، دانشگاه کردستان، سنندج، ایرانJournal Article20230111The present research has investigated the production of derivational affixes in the Surani Kurdish language, based on the corpus of “Kurdpress”. In morphology, the productivity of a suffix was expressed as the number of new words created by that suffix. In this way, the present research has investigated the frequency of the derivational affixes of the Kurdish language in the final position of the word, based on a corpus approach. In the first step of this research, a list of Kurdish suffixes was identified. Then, by using web crawling programming in Python language, the required data was prepared from the Kurdpress news network. The measuring criterion used for the productivity of each of these suffixes is based on the criterion of the p value. Finally, it was determined that the words “چی، دان، ین، زن، یلانە” were among the most productive suffixes in the Kurdish language with a productivity rate of more than 50%. Among the other things discussed in this study is the difference between the concept of productivity and the importance that an affix assigns to itself. The importance of an affix is known in the number of words that are used in the vocabulary list of the language.
<strong>Extended abstract</strong>
<strong>1.Introduction</strong>
The use of affixes in a language varies in terms of their productivity in word formation. Some affixes tend to generate more new words than others and can be considered more active in the process. However, their productivity rates may change over time, resulting in shifts in their usage. This study is distinctive in that it delves into the investigation of Kurdish language derivational affixes in a rigorous manner, exploring their productivity rates based on a considerable amount of data. Additionally, the study examines the significance of existing variables in relation to the productivity rates of these affixes. The primary objective of the study is to identify which of the Kurdish language's derivational affixes is the most productive. The study aims to fill a gap in the literature by conducting a detailed analysis of this aspect of the Kurdish language.
<strong>2.Theoretical framework</strong>
As is typically the case, studies conducted in the realm of morphology are concerned with topics such as affixation, location and types of affixes, affix productivity, affix importance, and changes over time in affixes. The two common types of affixes observed in most languages are prefix and suffix affixes. A prefix is a dependent morpheme that is attached to the beginning of a base. A suffix is a dependent morpheme that is attached to the end of a base. Among the affixes used in a language, some are generally more productive in word formation and create a greater number of new words, while others have less productivity. Even the productivity of affixes may change over time, with some affixes being more productive at certain times and transformed into less productive affixes at other times. Affix productivity is defined as the number of new words created by that affix in word formation, and the importance of an affix is measured by the number of words that are created on a diachronic basis based on that affix. The frequency of a unit, along with all its repetitive forms, occurring multiple times in the text is referred to as its token frequency. The number of occurrences of a unit under study in the corpus, disregarding repetition, is referred to as its type frequency. Affix productivity is considered as a value obtained by dividing the number of single occurrences of affixes known as hapax legomena by the total number of tokens in the corpus. The formula for affix importance and productivity is presented below.
Hapax Token Rate= HTR =
Type Token Rate= TTR =
<strong>3.Methodology</strong>
For corpus-based studies in Kurdish linguistics, the most important issue is the availability of suitable data for analysis. Therefore, the first step was to collect sufficient data for this research, using the Kurdish language corpus and web crawling techniques. The initial version of this corpus consisted of 69,000 news documents, containing various news items from different categories, which were collected using a web crawler program written in Python version 3.4 that focused on news sources.
In the second step, a specific list of derivational suffixes in Kurdish was determined using Kurdish grammar books, such as books on grammar and a book that explains the structure of the Sorani dialect of the Kurdish language. Since the frequency of single-word counts is commonly used for examining the productivity of suffixes, after collecting the data and the list of derivational suffixes in Kurdish, the frequency of all words was calculated. This calculation was performed using Python scripts. Then, words with a frequency of one were identified, and it was determined how many words are formed by each of these suffixes. Suffixes that produced fewer than five single-word forms were removed to obtain more accurate results.
<strong> </strong>
<strong>4.Result and discussion</strong>
After identifying the derivational suffixes, the frequency of different affix types, markers, and single-frequency words for each morpheme at the end of the examined word were considered. The results, along with the values of productivity and importance of the morphemes, are displayed in a table within the article. Productivity is generally considered as a spectrum in which less productive units are on the left side and more productive units are on the right side. Another noteworthy point in this study is that in studies of word structure, paying attention to the frequency of examined units alone cannot show accurate results. This is because various factors may influence the frequency of words, and therefore focusing solely on word frequency is not enough.
<strong>5.Conclusion and Suggestions</strong>
This study discusses the central concept of productivity. It was found that the suffixes “chi”, “dan”, “yan”, “zan”, and “ylaneh” make up over 50% of the most productive suffixes. The average productivity rate for suffixes in Kurdish language is 37.25%. Attention to the prefixes in Kurdish language, the order of affixes, and the hierarchy that plays a role in the productivity rate and importance of affixes are among the topics that can be explored in future research to complement this study.
<strong> </strong>
<strong>Select Bibliography</strong>
Kohanzad, P., Fallahi, M., Pahlevanzadeh B. A Corpus-based Study of the Productivity of Derivational Affixes in Persian. Journal of Researches in Linguistics. 2021; 2 (23): 219-240. [in Persian]
Badakhshan E. Kurdish corpus project. International Institute for the Study of Kurdish Societies First Biennial Conference Germany, Frankfurt, 2017; 16-19.
Gaeta L. Ricca D. Productivity in Italian word formation: A variable-corpus approach, Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. 2006; 44(1): 57-89.
Montero-Fleta, B. Suffixes in word-formation processes in scientific English. LSP Journal-Language for special purposes, professional communication, knowledge management and cognition. 2011; 2(2): 4-14.
Motsch W. On inactivity, productivity and analogy in derivational processes. In the Contribution of Word-Structure-Theories to the Study of Word Formation. 2018; 1-30.
Stefanowitsch A. Corpus linguistics: A guide to the methodology. Berlin: Language Science Press; 2020. DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.3735822
Ten H., P. Productivity and Anticipation in Language Processing. SKASE Journal of Theoretical Lingui stics. 2020; 17(4): 23-36.پژوهش حاضر با استفاده از پیکرۀ کردپرس<sup>(1)</sup> به بررسی زایایی وندها در زبان کردی سورانی پرداختهاست. در علم صرف، میزان زایایی یک وند را به میزان تعداد کلمات جدیدی بیان کردند که یک وند ساختهاست. بدین ترتیب به بررسی میزان زایایی پسوند بهصورت پیکرهبنیاد پرداختهایم. در گام نخست فهرستی از پسوندهای زبان کردی مشخص گردید. سپس با استفاده از برنامهنویسی خزش وب به زبان پایتون از وبسایت شبکۀ خبری کردپرس داده تهیه گردید. معیار سنجش برای زایایی هر یک از این وندها معیار باین مقدار p است. درنهایت مشخص گردید که وندهای «-چی، -دان، -ین، -زن، -یلانە» از زایاترین وندهای زبان کردی با مقدار زایای بالاتر از ۵۰ درصد بودهاست. از دیگر موارد بحث شده در حوزۀ صرف تفاوت مفهوم زایایی و میزان اهمیتی است که یک وند دارد. میزان اهمیت یک وند را در تعداد کلماتی میدانند که در فهرست واژگانی برای زبان بهکار برده میشود و در علم صرف این دو مفهوم از یکدیگر متمایز شناخته میشوند.https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_6460_1ff5ca14e6a3a506724551d64ff18589.pdfدانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857220230121A Study of Address Terms in the Dialogue - Based Gilaki Poems of Sheevan Foumaniبررسی خطاب واژهها و عبارات خطاب در متنهای گفتگومحور اشعار گیلکی شیون فومنی5382674210.22124/plid.2023.24117.1625FAفیروزفاضلیدانشیار زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی، دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایرانامیررضانیکدلدانش آموخته کارشناسی ارشد زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایرانJournal Article20230315The main purpose of this research is to investigate the address terms in Gilaki poetries of Sheevan Foumani, according to the dialogue-based approach, as the main pillar of a structure that is based on the context, situation, sex, class, age, and the social position of individuals and manifestated in various forms like pronouns, kinship nicknames, nominal groups and descriptive expressions. These descriptive expressions include religious, friendly, respectful, metaphorical, euphemistic, sarcastic, ironic and insulting address terms, taboo and offensive words, and have created various tones. Sheevan Foumani depiction of lush spaces of Guilan incorporating with various tones in poetries is regarded as one of the factors of diversity and mobility. Methodologically, the current research is based on theories of sociolinguists like Brown, Wardaugh and Parkinson, and it has been designed in accordance with the discourse analysis approach in the dialogue - based Gilaki poems of the poet. Also, results of the current research indicate that the use of address terms in dialogue poems within the“recommendatory, admonitory and threatening tones” are the most frequent ones, then the “satirical and ridiculing tones” and “slanderous and insulting tones” are more frequent, and finally “the tone of “astonishment”, as the least frequent one.
<strong>Extended abstract</strong>
<strong>1.Introduction</strong>
One of the social aspects of any language is the use of address terms. Address forms are the criteria of the social connection of the sender of the message and its receiver, based on the distance and social contexts. These terms are counted as a kind of emotional investment that can accommodate others at an assured position in a relationship and may be an instrument for face saving. Address terms in dialogue-based discussions are reflected in various forms of the language in accordance with interaction and interpersonal relationships, class and social position, race, age, sex, social interactive acts, verbal and non-verbal context. In Gilaki poems of Sheevan Foumani, regardibng the poet command of Gilaki archaic words and also contemporary dialect of Gilaki, the dialectical atmosphere and addresses are completed with variations and various stylistic descriptions through exploiting the position, context and individual's acts.
<strong> </strong>
<strong>2.Theoretical Framework</strong>
In Dehkhoda dictionary, the word “address” means to converse with others. In Persian language and especially in Persian Grammar and semantics, the address is mostly known as an interjection. Address terms are among the important tools of communication used in the society. The address terms are based on social class, age, sex, occupation, marital status, politeness and other related aspects. The address terms in any poetical language are in relation with two closed factors: tone and dialogue. Since in descriptive approach, any forms of text are based on dialogue, the tones of any forms of dialogues are the key factors in the process of communication.
<strong>3.Methodology</strong>
The method of this research is based on analytic-descriptive approach, and theorized in accordance with sociology of literature. This research has been carried out by using library research method. Moreover, it has used the credible sources including Persian and English articles. The collection of Gilaki poems of Sheevan Foumani which are recorded on seven tapes, with the voice of the poet, named “Gile Okhan”. Investigation of the tones of the address terms in poets' poetries is the second feature of the current research. The tone is often in the total relation with the work and includes the beginning of the work to the end, but it changes in each section in accordance with various contextual tones. Changing tones in Gilaki poems of Sheevan Foumani according to the use of address terms is accompanied by extended variations.
<strong>4.Results & Discussions</strong>
The most important feature of the poetries of Sheevan Foumani is their way of narration. Moreover, using words, expressions, and pure proverbs of Gilaki incorporated within the nice depictions of him from lush spaces of Guilan has caused euphemisms in his poems. Mobility and diversity with the use of pronouns, vocative verbs, negative and affirmative sentences, statements and interrogatives are the other methods of the poet for improving the tones of his works.
<strong>5.Conclusions & Suggestions</strong>
In the current research, Gilaki poems of Sheevan Foumani are investigated in accordance with the tones of the dialogues that address terms being used. In Gilaki poems of Sheevan Foumani, the use of pronouns is the most frequent one. Also, the kinship, friendly words, insulting and sarcastic expressions have been used in the dialectic atmosphere. The distances, contractions, and specific social attitudes have created various address terms. Some of these address terms are formatively taboo words, and on the other hand, some of them are metaphorical and ironic expressions. Using symbols and non-verbal communications has improved the dramatic forms of Sheevan Foumani poems. In some of the address terms, traces of ethnocentric, national, religious and non-religious beliefs can be seen, in accordance with the context and situation.
<strong>Select Bibliography</strong>
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Javadi H. The history of Irony in Persian Literature. Tehran: Karavan; 2005. [in Persian]
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Rifai D.M, Prasetyanigrum S.T. A Sociolinguistic Analysis of Addressing Terms Used in Tangled Movie Manuscript. Journal of Penelitian Huamaniora. 2016; 17(2): 123-134.
Trudgil P. Sociolinguistics (An Introduction to Language and Society). Persian translation under the surveilance of M. Tabatabayee. Tehran: Agah; 2016. [in Persian]
Wardhaugh, R. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. Massachusetts: Blackwell; 2006.هدف اصلی این تحقیق بررسی خطابواژهها در منظومههای گیلکی شیون فومنی براساس رویکرد گفتوگومحوری بهعنوان محور اصلی است که باتوجه به بافت، موقعیت، جنسیت، سن، طبقه و منزلت اجتماعی افراد بهصورتهای مختلف نظیر ضمایر خطاب، القاب خویشاوندی، گروههای اسمی و عبارات توصیفی ساختبندی شدهاند. این عبارات توصیفی شامل خطابواژههای مذهبی، صمیمانه، احترامآمیز، استعاری و کنایی، تابو و دشواژه، طنزآمیز، تمسخرآمیز و توهینآمیز و دشنام آمده و لحنهای گوناگون را پدید آوردهاست. توصیفات او از فضای سرسبز گیلان که با انواع لحنها در منظومههایش آمده، در کنار عواملی همچون استفاده از زبان و واژگان محاوره، اصطلاحات، تعبیرات و ضربالمثلهای گیلکی، داستانی بودن، حسن تعبیر، تنوع و تحرک سبب پدید آمدن انواع لحنها در بهکارگیری خطابواژهها و عبارات خطاب میشود. روش تحقیق براساس نظریۀ زبانشناسان اجتماعی همچون براون، وارداف و پارکینسون و بهشیوۀ تحلیل محتوا در اشعار گفتوگومحور گیلکی شیون فومنی است. نتایج تحقیق نشان میدهد که کاربرد خطابواژهها در اشعار گفتوگومحور با لحنهای توصیهای، هشدار و تهدید بیشترین میزان بسامد و بعدازآن لحنهای طنز و تمسخرآمیز و توهین و دشنام در جایگاه دوم و سوم بیشترین میزان کاربرد را به ترتیب دارا هستند و در نهایت لحنهای خوفناک و تعجبی و شگفتی کمترین میزان فراوانی را دارند.
https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_6742_a6541576138108d08b178b92ba24ae1d.pdfدانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857220230121A Suggestion about the Meaning and Derivation of Two Words of the Second Chapter of Vendidadپیشنهادی دربارۀ معنی و اشتقاق دو واژه از فرگرد دوم وندیداد8393659510.22124/plid.2023.24307.1629FAچنگیزمولاییاستاد فرهنگ و زبانهای باستانی دانشگاه تبریز، تبریز، ایرانJournal Article20230414The present article deals with the re-examination of two words from the second chapter of <em>Vendidad</em>, which considerations of scholars about their meaning and derivation are not satisfactory. One of these two words is the <em>vīuuīse</em>, which according to Bartholomae is an infinitive but the construction of which and its syntactic relationship with other parts of the sentence do not confirm it to be an infinitive. The evidence shows that this word can only be the second singular perfect of <em>vīuuīs-</em> from the root <em>vaēs-</em> “to be ready as”. The other is a word that Bartholomae corrected as <em>astǝm,</em> and in the phrase <em>astǝm iθra fracarǝṇta pasuuasca,</em> he considered it the object of the verb <em>fracarǝṇta</em>. However, in the Geldner's edition, the mentioned word is recorded as two independent words <em>as tǝm</em>, and apparently this reading was the focus of the Pahlavi translators of <em>Vendidad</em>. In addition, there are great linguistic reasons that show <em>fracarǝṇta</em> cannot be a form derived from <em>fra + car</em>- “to establish” and correcting <em>as tǝm</em> as <em>astǝm,</em> and to conceive the late form as the object of the verb <em>fracarṇta</em> is incorrect.
<strong>Extended Abstract</strong>
<strong>1.Introduction</strong>
The second chapter of Vendidad is a narrative of the golden reign of Yima, the Iranian mythical king. This chapter is divided into two parts in terms of content. The first part contains a report about the conversation between God and Yima, Yima's effort to expand the earth in three times, and the second part contains an account about the arrival of a devastating winter at the existence and the construction of a wonderful fortress by Yima to save Ahurian creatures from the danger of destruction. The present article deals with the meaning and derivation of two Avestan words used in the first part of the story.
<strong>2.Results & Discussion</strong>
<em> </em><em>vīuuīse</em>
The word <em>vīuuīse</em> is used in Avesta, only once, in the following sentence of V.2.4:
<em>yezi mē yima nōit̰ vīuuīse mǝrǝtō bǝrǝtaca daēnaiiāi, āat̰ mē gaēθāͦ frāδaiia …</em>
On the word <em>vīuuīse</em> in the above-mentioned Avestan phrase, scholars of Avesta have presented different explanations. Some, including Lommel, Malandra and recently Pierre Lecoq, without giving any explanation about the form and structure of the word, assume it to be a 2<sup>nd</sup> singular present of the root <em>vaēs-</em> “to be or keep ready as, to serve as”. Bartholomae and his followers also considered the word in question, as an infinitive. But these interpretations are not satisfactory; the simplest reason for rejecting the possibility that <em>vīuuīse</em> is a 2<sup>nd</sup> sg. present is that in the Vedas and Avestan texts the reduplicated present stem of <em>vaēs-</em> is not used. The possibility of the word being infinitive cannot be correct, because the use of infinitive with conditional conjunction is not compatible with syntactic rules.
Michiel de Vaan, following Geldner, prefers to explain <em>vīuuise</em> as a corruption of <em><sup>*</sup>vīse</em>, and as the context requires a second person verb form, he assumes <em>vīse</em> “I serve” as a 1<sup>st</sup> singular indicative middle present used for the 2<sup>nd</sup> sg. just like the 1<sup>st</sup> sg. subjunctive <em>vīsāi</em> is used for the 2<sup>nd</sup> sg subj. in the same stanza. This interpretation is also not acceptable; the only evidence provided by de Vaan for the use of the 1<sup>st</sup> sg. present for the 2<sup>nd</sup> sg. is <em>vīsāi</em> in the same paragraph; but <em>vīsāi</em> is almost certainly a corruption of <em>vīsāhi</em>, 2<sup>nd</sup> sg. subjunctive of <em>vaēs-</em> cf. <em>mrauuāi</em> instead of <em>mrauuāhi</em> in Y71.15. In this way, it is completely clear that by referring to <em>vīsāi</em>, it is not possible to justify the use of <em>vīse</em> as a 1<sup>st</sup> sg present for 2<sup>nd</sup> sg.
In the existing Avestan texts, there is no example for the 2<sup>nd</sup> singular of middle perfect. The ending of the second singular of middle perfect in Vedas is <em>-se</em>, which appears as <em>-ṣe</em> after the vowel <em>i</em>, cf. <em>bubudh-i-ṣe</em> from the perfect stem <em>bubudh-</em> from <em>budh-</em> “to know, to understand”. The equivalent of this ending in the Avestan language is undoubtedly <em>-he</em>, which usually changes to <em>-še</em> after the vowels <em>i</em> and <em>u</em>. Therefore, I suggest to take <em>vīuuīse</em> with the ending <em>-he</em> < <em>-se</em>, the middle perfect 2<sup>nd</sup> sg from the perfect stem <em>vīuuīs-</em> from <em>vaēs-</em> and consider its development as follows: <em>vīuuīs-he</em> > <em>vīuuīs-se</em> > <em>vīuuīse</em>. If this interpretation is accepted, not only a justification is found for one of the ambiguous words in the Avestan texts, but also a missing link in the perfect endings is identified. Therefore, we can confidently translate the above-mentioned phrase from V2.4 as follows: “If you, O Yima, are not prepared [to be] the rememberer and bearer of my religion, then make you my worlds to increase...”.
<em>astǝm</em>
The Avestan word <em>astǝm</em> is used only once in V 2.11. The text of this paragraph, is as follows:
<em>āat̰ yimō imąm ząm viš́āuuaiiat̰ aēuua θrišuua ahmāt̰ masiiehīm yaθa para ahmāt̰ astǝm iθra fracarǝṇta pasuuasca …</em>
The reading of <em>astǝm</em> is based on the most Avesta manuscripts. Bartholomae considered it as accusative singular of <em>asta-</em> (Vedic <em>ásta-</em>) “home”, and accordingly, <em>fracarǝṇta</em> is the third plural of middle imperfect from the root <em>kar-</em> “to make” with <em>fra</em> “to establish”. Based on Batholomae's explanation, the phrase is translated as follows: “then Yima made the earth expand herself by one-third larger than she (was) before, and there a home established cattle...”.
But this interpretation has a serious problem; that is, in Avesta, the present stem from <em>kar-</em> “to make” is not formed with thematic <em>a</em>, and as the existing examples show, the present stem from this root is formed with the suffix <em>-nav-</em> / <em>nao-</em> / <em>-nu-</em>, such as <em>kǝrǝnao-</em> (vedic: <em>kṛnóti</em>) and <em>kǝrǝnu-</em> (vedic <em>kṛnuté</em>).
the manuscript Jb has the word in question as <em>as təm</em>, and from the translation of the Pahlavi translators of Vandidad, it also appears that the manuscript used by them also had the same reading, therefore it is not unlikely that <em>astəm</em> later emerged from the combination of these two independent words. If this is the case, it can be assumed that the original text had here <em>as</em> (3<sup>rd</sup> singular of active imperfect from ah- “to be”) and <em>təm</em> (accusative singular of <em>ta-</em> referring to the extended part of the earth). In fact, <em>fracarǝṇta</em> has nothing to do with the root <em>kar-</em> “to make”, rather it could be an imperfect 3sg of present stem <em>(fra)cara</em>- from the root car- “to walk, move”, with <em>fra</em> “to move forward, to wander”. Now, based on this interpretation, we can translate the whole clause as follows: “then Yima made expand this earth, one-third larger than she was before, there they went the cattle and...”.
<strong>3.Conclusion & Suggestion</strong>
During this article, all evidence about the construction and meaning of the Avestan words <em>vīuuīse</em> and <em>astǝm</em> were examined. This study clearly shows that the opinions of the researchers about this words are not satisfactory, and it is better to take <em>vīuuīse</em> as the perfect second singular of <em>vīuuīs-</em> from the root <em>vaēs-</em> “to prepare” and correct <em>astəm</em> as two independent words <em>as</em> (imperfect third singular from <em>ah-</em> “to be”) and <em>təm</em> (accusative singular from demonstrative pronoun <em>ta-</em>).
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Cambridge; 1889.آنچه در مقالۀ حاضر میآید بررسی مجدد دو واژه از فرگرد دوم وندیداد است که آرای محققان دربارۀ معنی و اشتقاق آنها رضایتبخش نیست. یکی از این دو، واژۀ vīuuīse است که بارتلمه آن را مصدر دانسته و «آماده شدن برای کاری» معنی کردهاست، اما ساخت واژه و ارتباط نحوی آن با سایر اجزای کلام مصدر بودن آن را تأیید نمیکند؛ براساس قراین موجود این واژه فقط میتواند فعل ماضی نقلی دوم شخص مفرد ناگذر از مادۀ نقلی vīuuīs- از ریشۀ vaēs- «آماده شدن» باشد. دیگری واژهای است که بارتلمه آن را بهصورت astǝm (حالت مفعولی مفرد از asta- «خانه، اقامتگاه») تصحیح کرده و در عبارت astǝm iθra fracarǝṇta pasuuasca مفعول فعل fracarǝṇta به شمار آوردهاست. این واژه در اوستای ویراستۀ گلدنر بهصورت دو واژۀ مستقل as tǝm ضبط شده و ظاهرا همین قرائت مورد توجه مترجمان پهلوی وندیداد بودهاست. علاوهبراین دلایل استوار زبانشناختی در دست است که نشان میدهد fracarǝṇta نمیتواند صیغهای مشتق از fra + car- در معنی «ساختن، بنا کردن» باشد و ضرورتا احتمال تصحیح as tǝm به صورت astǝm و تصور آن به عنوان مفعول فعل fracarṇta منتفی است.https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_6595_230336484993e96090de99975acb46a0.pdfدانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857220230121Conceptualization of the Verb “shekanen” (BREAK) in Kalhori Kurdish: A Cognitive Approachمفهومسازی فعل «shekanen» (شکستن) در کُردی کلهری: رویکرد شناختی85108698510.22124/plid.2023.23571.1621FAزهراپروینی راددانشجوی دکتری زبانشناسی، گروه آموزش زبان انگلیسی و زبانشناسی، واحد کرمانشاه، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، کرمانشاه، ایران.مسعوددهقاندانشیار زبانشناسی، گروه زبان و ادبیات انگلیسی، دانشگاه کردستان، سنندج، ایران.اکرمکرانیاستادیار گروه آموزش زبان انگلیسی و زبان شناسی، واحد کرمانشاه، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، کرمانشاه، ایرانJournal Article20230105Among lexical relations, polysemy is of an important position in the semantic field because it provides the fertility of meaning and the expansion of concepts dramatically. The present study aims to represent the conceptualization of the verb /shekanen/ (break) in Kalhori Kurdish based on Evans and Green<sup>’</sup>s principled-polysemy approach (2006) in cognitive semantics. For this purpose, in this qualitative research, the data were collected from <em>Kurdish proverbs</em> (Jafarzadeh, 2006), interviews with Kalhori Kurdish speakers, and their routine dialogues; and then they were analyzed with the use of descriptive – analytic method. The results showed that the primary meaning of this verb was “break”, and it has thirty-six distinct meanings, such as “fragment”, “halve”, “burst”, “shrink”, “harm”, “pain" and the like in its semantic network. Then, these different meanings were also placed in seven distinct semantic clusters. Besides, these distinct meanings along with their seven semantic clusters were illustrated in a semantic network. The conceptual representation of verbs in the Kurdish language (Kalhori Kurdish) makes our knowledge about the verb more complete, and also helps the mobility of Kalhori Kurdish grammar.<br /> <br /><strong>Extended Abstract</strong><br /><strong>1.Introduction</strong><br />Among lexical relations, polysemy is of an important position in the semantic field because it provides the fertility of meaning and the expansion of concepts dramatically. The present study aims to represent the conceptualization of the verb /shekanen/ (break) in Kalhori Kurdish based on Evans and Green<sup>’</sup>s principled-polysemy approach (2006) in cognitive semantics. The authors intend to use this approach to show what is the prototypical meaning of this verb in Kurdish, and based on this, to explain the peripheral meanings arising from it too. Finally, with the help of the semantic network, this study showed the relationship between the peripheral meanings together, and also the semantic relationship between the prototypical meaning and the peripheral meanings of this verb in Kalhori Kurdish.<br /> <br /><strong>2.Theoretical framework </strong><br />In cognitive linguistics, there are concepts and ideas that are constant in all the theories presented in it. These concepts and ideas are actually considered to be the basic principles of those theories. One of the concepts raised in cognitive linguistics is principled-polysemy approach proposed by Evans and Green (2006). In fact, it pursues two basic goals: one is that it defines and identifies the main concept among different concepts in the same class, and it makes a difference between the concepts and meanings stored in the mind and the concepts and meanings taken from the context. Second, the prototypical meaning is defined by a special radial category. Generally speaking, based on this approach, four basic criteria can be used to determine the prototypical meaning:<br /><br />The first determined meaning;<br />Semantic superiority in the network;<br />The semantic relationship of the prototypical meaning with peripheral meanings;<br />Ease of prediction in the meaning extension.<br /><br /> <br /><strong>3.Methodology</strong><br />Methodologically, this qualitative research is descriptive – analytic; its data were collected from <em>Kurdish proverbs</em> (Jafarzadeh, 2006), and interviews with Kalhori Kurdish speakers, as well as their routine dialogues. It is worth mentioning that the authors have also used their linguistic intuition for the authenticity of the data. The field of investigation is the study of the polysemy of the verb /ʃɛkanən/ (to break) in Kalhari Kurdish based on the approach of principled polysemy proposed by Evans and Green (2006). In order to analyze this verb in Kalhori Kurdish, which has different meanings in different contexts, we first represent its meanings and then draw its semantic network based on the Evans and Green’s approach (2006). The verb /ʃɛkanən/ is one of the verbs that is widely used in Kalhori Kurdish and has several meanings.<br /> <br /><strong>4.Results and Discussion</strong><br />In this study, the authors tried to conceptualize the verb /ʃɛkanən/ (to break) in Kalhori Kurdish based on the principled-polysemy approach proposed by Evans and Green in 2006, and to specify its prototypical meaning as well as peripheral meanings. And accordingly, after studying and analyzing the collected data from a cognitive perspective, they also drew its semantic network. It is worth noting that the analyses showed that this approach is effective for drawing the polysemy of this verb in the language variety of Kalhori Kurdish. The results showed that the prototypical meaning of this verb was “break”, and it has thirty-six distinct meanings, such as “fragment”, “halve”, “burst”, “shrink”, “harm”, “pain" and the like in its semantic network. Then, the finding showed that this verb is of seven distinct semantic clusters, such as “division cluster”, “split cluster”, “damage cluster”, “discontinuity cluster”, “measure cluster”, “revocation cluster”, “metaphor cluster”. Besides, these distinct meanings along with their seven semantic clusters were illustrated in a semantic network. Thus, it was clearly specified that the conceptual representation of verbs in the Kurdish language (Kalhori Kurdish) not only makes our knowledge about the verb more complete, but also helps the mobility of Kalhori Kurdish grammar.<br /> <br /><strong>5.Conclusions and Suggestions</strong><br />Finally, the results showed that in creating the polysemy of this verb in this variety, the metaphorical cluster was of more frequency than the other clusters. In this verb from the Kalhari dialect, we witnessed its collocation with body-part words such as “heart”, “waist”, “hands” and “feet”, “head” and “neck”, makes this verb to have different meanings and concepts, and also the semantic effects of these body-part words in the conceptualization of the investigated verb were clearly identified. Also, as a suggestion, these studies showed that this approach is effective for drawing the polysemy of different parts of words in different languages. Thus, this research is also in line with the studies that have been done in respect with the different meanings of verbs and prepositions based on the cognitive approach, can identify and recognize the various meanings of the verb /ʃɛkanən/ in different contexts, that’s why it will be useful in teaching Kurdish language to language learners.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>Select Bibliography</strong><br />Dehghan M. Polysomic analysis of the preposition / Læ /,/ Wæ /,/ wægærd / and / wæpi/ in Kalhori Kurdish within principled – polysemy approach. Language Related Research. 2018; 9 (2): 1-33.<strong><em>] </em></strong>in Persian<strong><em> [</em></strong><br />Dehghan M.. Parvinirad Z.. The Polysemic Study of the Conjunctions in Persian. Language Related Research. 2019; 10 (3):<strong> </strong>191-212. <em>]</em>in Persian]<br />Family N. Explorations of semantic space: The case of Light verb constructions in Persian. Linguistics Ph.D. Dissertation. 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Polysemy in Persian Compound Verbs within Construction Theory: The case of “Gereftæn” Light Verb. Journal of Linguistics of Iranian dialects. 2021; 6 (2): 213-252. [in Persian]<br />Rowshan B. Abasi B. A Comparison of Persian and Hawrami Speakers’ Mental Models: The Case of the Verb Xordan (to eat). Journal of Western Iranian Languages and Dialects. 2014; 1(4): 31-52. [in Persian]<br />Saeed J.I. Semantics, Oxford: Blackwell; 1997.<br />Sgöstrom S. From Vision to Cognition: A Study of Metaphor and Polysemy in Swedish. Göteborg: Göteborg University; 1998.<br />Vanhove M. Towards a Typology of Semantic Associations. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter; 2008.<br />Tchizmarova I. k. A Cognitive Linguistics Analysis of the Bulgarian Verbal Prefixes. Jezitoslovle. 2012; 219-260.از بین انواع روابط واژگانی، چندمعنایی جایگاه مهمی در حوزۀ معنا دارد، چون زایایی معنا و گسترش مفاهیم، بهطور چشمگیری، در نتیجۀ کارکرد چندمعنایی محقق میشود. پژوهش حاضر با هدف مفهومسازی فعل «شکانن» (شکستن) در کُردی کلهری براساس انگارۀ چندمعنایی اصولمند ایوانز و گرین (2006) در رویکرد شناختی انجام گرفتهاست. بدین منظور، در این پژوهشِ کیفی، دادهها به دو روش اسنادی و مصاحبهای بهترتیب از کتاب <em>ضربالمثلهای کُردی</em> (جعفرزاده، 1385)، مصاحبه با گویشوران کُردزبان گویش کلهری و مکالمۀ روزمرۀ آنها گردآوری و به روش توصیفی-تحلیلی واکاوی شد. نتایج نشان داد که مفهوم اولیۀ این فعل، «شکستن» است و در شبکۀ معنایی آن سیوشش معنای متمایز، همچون «تکه کردن»، «نصف کردن»، «ترکیدن»، «کاهش یافتن»، «زیان رساندن»، «درد گرفتن» و امثال آن هست که این معانی در هفت خوشۀ معنایی قرار میگیرند. معانی متمایز با خوشههای معنایی آنها در یک شبکۀ معنایی ترسیم شد. بازنمایی مفهومی فعل در کُردی کلهری ازمنظر شناختی دانش ما را درمورد درک و فهم معانی آن کاملتر و به پویایی دستور زبان کُردی کلهری کمک مینماید.https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_6985_3b0f2863f2bbd28a6ba350a5a2682049.pdfدانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857220230121False Cognates in Kermanshahi Persianواژههای فریبکار در فارسی کرمانشاهی109135697710.22124/plid.2023.24749.1638FAغلامرضاسالمیاندانشیار گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه رازی، کرمانشاه، ایران.Journal Article20230617One of the categories of linguistics that has entered the field of studies of this knowledge in the last one hundred years is the field of “false cognates”. This term refers to words that appear to be the same, but have different meanings in one or two languages. Not paying attention to the different meanings such words have, may lead to misunderstanding, and/ or miscommunication. Kermanshahi Persian is one of the dialects of the Persian language that has been used in the city of Kermanshah along with Kermanshahi Kurdish for centuries. In a different way, there are some words, phrases or sentences in the quality of those words, phrases and sentences that are used in a different sense. In this article, after stating the definition, history and characteristics of the false cognates, examples of them in Kermanshahi Persian have been provided and analyzed. The findings of the research show that 65% of the false cognates analyzed in this article were associated with semantic expansion, and 25% were associated with semantic degradation. In terms of expressive usages, the most usage is related to similarity (32.5%) and then it is related to total and partial permission (15%). From the point of view of semantic relationships, the highest frequency (32.5%) is related to the relationship of proportionality and the lowest frequency is related to contrast (7.5%).
<strong>Extended abstract</strong>
<strong>1.Introduction</strong>
The Persian equivalent of the term “false cognates” was coined 35 years ago by Ahmad Samei (Gilani) on the contrary with the French term "faux amis" which was coined 95 years ago.Despite such a history, there are few researches done in Persian language in this field.This is while the dozens of languages, and dialects in Iran, especially in the vast area of cultural Iran, have made inevitable the existence of many words of the same pronunciation, but with different meanings. This huge capacity, like an untapped treasure, has provided a resource and a huge capital for the researchers, which besides showing the beauty of this diversity and sometimes showing the unique sources and clarifying the reasons for the semantic diversity, helps lexicographers in writing lexicons and language learners in learning the languages in question more quickly.
The ancient city of Kermanshah, being placed on the highway of travelers along the history, has found the characteristic of being the meeting place of different cultures, religions, and languages. One of the long-standing languages in Kermanshah is Kermanshahi dialect of Persian. The present study is an attempt to introduce a group of words that are used in this dialect and standard Persian with the same or similar pronunciation but with the different meanings. It is important to mention that in some of these words, the historical meanings (what is inferred from the word in literary texts) or the local meanings (meanings of the word in other Iranian dialects and dialects of Persian) may be the same as the meaning of the word in Kermanshahi Persian. In this study, we have tried to measure the meaning/ meanings of the words in Kermanshahi Persian and today's standard Persian.
<strong>2.Theoretical framework</strong>
As mentioned before, the term Persian equivalent of “false cognates” was coined and used first in Persian by Ahmad Samei Gilani in 1988 through publishing an article with the same title. False cognates in that article and the subsequent essays of that researcher are elements of living literary language that are used in today's literal texts in an obsolete or abandoned or little used sense in the language. The second use of this term was in an article by Ali Ashraf Sadeghi. From his point of view, the term false cognate is used in the study of dialects of a language or two varieties of a language that are used in two different countries. Apart from these two concepts that we know for this term, we must say that the first global use of this term was about seemingly identical words that exist in two different languages. This term is used in the translation of the French term “faux amis”. This French term was first used in 1928 in the book “Faux amisou les Iranisons du vocabulaireanglais”, by Maxime Kocssler and Jules Derocquigny for those English and French words that have the same vocabulary but different meanings. Against “faux amis” in English, “deceptive cognates”, “false cognates”, and “misleading words” are used.
<strong>3.Methodology</strong>
The present article has been compiled using descriptive and analytical method, and it is based on library studies. Also, its methodology is based on the author’s knowledge in Kermanshahi Persian, and referring to Kermanshahi dictionaries. Accordingly, the target words have been extracted and matched with their counterparts in Persian dictionaries, and in the next step, the necessary analyzes have been provided.
<strong>4.Results & Discussion</strong>
False cognates can be examined from various aspects. From the perspective of interlanguage communication, false cognates may appear in comparison of two languages or in the heart of one language; therefore, from the point of view of interlinguistic communication, false cognates can be divided into “interlingual” and “intralingual” types. There are several types of intra-language deception: a) among the subsets of a language; b) historical transformations of a language. This issue also can be addressed from the point of view of structure. From the point of view of language structure, deception is manifested in the form of “false cognates” or “false phrases or sentences”. Also, false cognates can be classified from the perspective of the origin of the language. In this sense, it is possible that the two words between which there is a relationship of deception may be from the same origin, or it is possible that no connection exist between them (non-co-root).
<strong>5.Conclusions & Suggestions</strong>
The use of false cognates, phrases and sentences in a language has consequences, we call them false functions of language. One of these functions is automatic functions. The result of such a function is slander. Self-conscious functions are another type of false functions of language. This exploitation is usually a positive feature that poets and writers use to create some arrays, such as allusions or literary types such as satire. Part of Kermanshahi's Persian, false cognates are formed based on the expansion of meaning; these words include “ananias”, which means a kind of sweet and delicious cantaloupe or melon; “owleya” that means a good person and a gentle person; “paša” that means fly; “Jam” that means bowl; “jarah” that means experimental surgeon ; “Čangāl” that means a type of food composed of bread, oil and sugar; “Xejālati” that means shyness; “Xatar” thta means dangerous; “Xatarnāk” that means a strong and clever person; “Rāhati” thta means a funnel; “Zud” that means a long time ago, earlier and earlier; “Seyl” that means to look and stare; “Šar” that means clever and skillful; “Šeytān” thta means spider (equivalent to “devil” in Persian), and also means a violent and passionate child (equivalent to “Šeytun” in common usage); “ebrat” that means pointing fingers; “alāmat” that means an ugly person; “qul” that means deep; “faqir” that means a quiet and calm and oppressed person; “qad: that means on, above; “koštan” that means to beat; in Kurdish, it means tight muscle; “kufta” that means Šāmi kebāb; “gol” that means the unit of counting foods such as Kuku and Šāmi kebāb; “golgoli” that means a small type of Šāmi Kebāb; “la” that means near and in front of someone or something.
Another section of the obtained words are based on the meaning breakdown; including “ālat” meaning pepper; “Jenās” meaning devil; “Čenja” means core and seed; “hamla’I” means someone who suffers from seizure and epilepsy; “xarābkār” that means a bad woman; “Šāmi” means watermelon; “Šowq” means sun flame, lamp and fire; “shoot” means whistle; “qāl” means noise; “qeymāq” means a kind of liquid halva; “kadbānu” means old woman; “luti” means singer and musician with a negative connotation; “melāyekat” means elf and demon; “mowakel” means elf.
A random search led to finding 40 words in Kermanshahi Persian. Out of the total of 40 false cognates which are analyzed in this article, 26 words (65%) were associated with semantic expansion, and 14 words (35%) were associated with semantic decline. The fact that nearly two-thirds of the words of the false cognates have been faced with the expansion of meaning show that most of the common words of Persian and Kermanshahi Persian have a common meaning.
In terms of expressive uses, simile (metaphor) with 13 words (32.5 percent) is mostly used, and after that, it is related to total and partial permission with 6 words (15 percent). Metonymy, cause and reason metonymy, allowed necessity metonymy and proximity metonymy, each of them has only one word which had the least use. In general, metonymy (in its linguistic not literary sense) has played the biggest role in the formation of false cognates. From the point of view of semantic relationships, the highest frequency is with 13 words (32.5 percent) of that relationship of proportionality and the lowest frequency is related to contrast with 3 words (7.5 percent). This finding indicates that semantic relationships play a greater role in the formation of false cognates.
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یکی از مقولههای زبانشناسی یکصدسال اخیر حوزۀ واژههای فریبکار است. این اصطلاح به معنی واژههای بهظاهر یکسان، اما در معنی متفاوتی است که در یک زبان یا در میان دو زبان بهکار میرود و بیتوجهی به دو معنی واژه، باعث اختلال معنی میشود. فارسی کرمانشاهی از لهجههای زبان فارسی است که در طول سدهها در شهر کرمانشاه در کنار کردی کرمانشاهی بهکار رفتهاست. به دلایل گوناگون در این لهجه واژهها، عبارتها یا جملههایی وجود دارد که در فارسی معیار به معنی دیگری بهکار رفتهاند. در نوشتار حاضر پس از بیان تعریف، تاریخچه و ویژگیهای واژههای فریبکار، نمونههایی از آن در فارسی کرمانشاهی استخراج و تحلیل شدهاست. یافتههای پژوهش نشاندهندۀ آن است که از واژههای فریبکار بررسیشده این نوشتار، 65 درصد واژهها گسترش معنایی و 25 درصد آن فروکاست معنایی داشتهاست. از حیث کاربردهای بیانی بیشترین کاربرد از آن مشابهت (32.5 درصد) و پس از آن، مربوط به مجاز کل و جزء (15درصد) است. از منظر روابط معنایی بیشترین بسامد (32.5 درصد) ازآنِ رابطۀ تناسب و کمترین آن مربوط به تضاد (7.5 درصد) است.
https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_6977_750a924d108664b03ac3a217accef6ca.pdfدانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857220230121Linguistic Atlas of Bushehr Province and Determining the Border of Lexical Isoglossesاطلس زبانی استان بوشهر و تعیین مرز همگویی واژگانی137155636410.22124/plid.2023.22717.1612FAاله کرمعاملیدانشجوی دکتری، گروه زبانشناسی، واحد بوشهر، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، بوشهر، ایرانعلیربیعدانشیار گروه مترجمی زبان انگلیسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد تهران جنوب، تهران، ایرانزهراباباسالاریاستادیار گروه زبانشناسی و زبانهای خارجی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران.Journal Article20220806In the present study, the linguistic atlas of Bushehr province is discussed, as the first linguistic atlas of the provinces in Iran. It is a collection of maps compiled to show the linguistic restrictions on a geographic area. The data collected for this study is based on the questionnaire of national linguistic atlas of Iran (105 words and 36 sentences) by Parmoon (1385); and interviews with speakers from 500 villages in the province. Then the interviews are transcribed into international phonetic alphabetic form (I.P.A). It is tried to show the aords with the least and the most dialectal diversities in the dialects of this province. It is also possible to see dialectal diversities of each word and sentence, in question, on the maps of this province in graphical forms and in different colors. Finally, the dialectal diversities of this province are analyzed and then explained linguistically.<br /> <br /><strong>Extended abstract</strong><br /><strong>1.Introduction</strong><br />Bushehr Province is located in south west of Iran. This province has 10 cities and has the highest water border with the Persian Gulf. One of the most notable points of the Province is its linguistic topics. According to researchers such as Rezaee Baghbidi (2011), some linguistic studies in this Province have been neglected: “the clear point is that the dialects of many regions are underregistered or not registered at all: like the common dialects in the Alborz mountain range from Azerbaijan to Khorasan, dialects of north of Bashagard and dialects of Dashtestan and southern Fars Province along the coast.<br />It is worth nothing that the dialects of Bushehr Province are divided into northern and southern groups. The phonetic characteristics of these dialects show that they are among the new Iranian dialects and belong to the southwest brunch of Iranian languages. In this paper, we focus on the dialects of Bushehr Province, to achieve a new horizon in linguistic studies of these dialects. In order to achieve the research objectivies, we try to answer these questions:<br /><br />What influences have the dialects of Bushehr Province accepted?<br />How many linguistic variety are there in Bushehr Province?<br />What is the difference between geographical and dialectical boundaries?<br /><br /> <br /><strong>2.Methodology</strong><br />In this research, two methods of field and library studies have been used. In the field method part, using the questionnaire of the “national linguistic atlas of Iran”, interviews were conducted with the speakers. Around 500 people of Bushehr Province villagers participated in this research. Speaker’s voices were recorded and then transcribed, using IPA. Finally, lexical variations and sentences were extracted and depicted on maps of Bushehr Province. It should be noted that the preparation and depicting of the linguistic atlas of Bushehr Province is done for the first time. In this method, the process of interviewing and extracting native speakers is an audio-visual one. The linguistic material compiled in this section is the main focus of documentation. In order to have the desired linguistic material, it is necessary for the interviewer to take the following points into account: it is necessary to attend the village for collecting the data; select a single speaker form each village; assign a separate raw questionnaire for each dialect; before the interview, the narrator should be informed of the necessity of conducting the interview and its values; start the interview and record the voice of the speaker digitally and with desired quality, when provides the aquivalents of the items in the questionnaire.<br /> <br /><strong>3.Results & Conclusion</strong><br />In this study, the linguistic atlas of about 500 villages of Bushehr Province was drawn and the lexical isoglosses of those regions identified. The words with the highest (“Yoke”, with 10 variations) and the lowest (“cheese” word, with 2 variations) variations were identified in the dialects of Bushehr Province. This research make it possible to see the dialect variations of each word and sentence on the maps of Bushehr Province graphically and in different colors. Based on the efforts made, the following questions were answered:<br /><br />What influences have the dialects of Bushehr Province accepted?<br /><br />Bushehr Province is located in southwestern Iran. Due to the low relationship of many villages of this province with industrial areas and other ethnicities, the dialects of these villages have changed less than other villages. In the central cities of Bushehr Province (Dashti and Tangestan) a variety of dialects are common, often influenced by each other.<br />From the village of “Eshkali” in Tangestan city to Bardestan city in Dayer city, the difference between linguistic varieties and relatively prominent variations can be seen. It is noteworthy that the existence of gas and petrochemical industries in the south of Bushehr Province has increased the relations between the people of Assaluyeh and Kangan regions with immigrants from different parts of the country. This relationship has, in part, influenced the dialects of the peoples in these regions. Another point is that the Arabic dialect of these regions has been influenced by the dialects and languages of migrant workers to these regions.<br />Only in the east of Bushehr Province, i.e. east of Dashtestan and Dashti cities, Turkish is used. The results of the research indicate that in comparison to other language varieties, Turkisn has undergone less changes.<br /><br />How many linguistic varieties are there in Bushehr Province?<br /><br />Despite its small size, Bushehr Province has different language varieties such as Persian, Turkish, and Arabic. Persian language has more dialect variations. In the northern villages of Bushehr Province, due to the contacts with Lori-dwelling areas of Khuzestan, Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Provines, Lori dialect is common; and their dialect is less influenced by other dialects. Ganaveh, Deylam and north of Dashtestan city and even the northern villages of Bushehr city are among these regions. In the south of Bushehr Province, in most of the villages of Kangan and Asaluyeh counties, the Arabic is spoken and used. In the east of Bushehr Province (east of Dashti and Dashtestan counties), due to the settlement of nomads, the qashgai Turkish is common.<br /><br />What is the difference between geographical and linguistic boundaries?<br /><br />Geographical boundaries are actually political boundaries drawn by political centers. Linguistic boundaries cross political boundaries, in such a way that two or more neighboring counties may speak the same dialect, but in thier political divisions they are separate cities; for example, the dialect of the northern cities of Bushehr Province (Ganaveh and Daylam and the north of Dashtestan) is the same. While in political divisions, each of the villages of these part of the province belongs to a city. Findings of this research show the word “yoke” has the most variation, and the word “cheese” has the least variation among the words in the mwntioned questionare. In the convergence maps, it was also found that there are fewer lexical isoglosses in the cities urban regions of the Province, and in the divergence maps, more borders are observed.<br /> <br /><strong>Select Bibliography</strong><br />Blench R. The linguistic geography of Nigeria and its implications for prehistory. Sheffield University on Nigerian Prehistory; 2009.<br />Chambers J. K., P. Trudgil. Dialectology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 2004.<br />Comrie B. The Atlas of Languages. Translated by Arsalan Golfam. Tehran: Tehran University Publications; 2008. [in Persian]<br />Jahangiri N. Accentology and Geography, Procedings of Geography Seminar (1), Mashhad: Foundation of Islamic Researches of Astan Quds Razavi; 1986. [in Persian]<br />Johanson L. Discoveries on the Turkic Linguistic Map. Swedish Research institute in Istanbul, Turkey; 2001.<br />Kurath H. A Word Geography of the Eastern United States. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press; 1949.<br />Oranski I. M. Iranian Languages. Translated by Ali Ashrafsadeghi, Tehran: Sokhan Publications; 2009. [in Persian]<br />Orton H., S. Sanderson, J. Widdowson. The Linguistic Atlas of England. 2nd edition. London: Routledge; 1978.<br />Rostambeyke Tafreshi A. Language Atlas and Measuring Dialect Distances in Hamedan, Language Related Research. 7(10): 39-58.هدف از پژوهش حاضر، ترسیم اولین اطلس زبانی استان بوشهر است. اطلس زبانی مجموعهای از نقشههاست که برای تعیین محدودیتهای زبانی روی پهنۀ جغرافیا تدوین میشود. دادههای این پژوهش، براساس پرسشنامة اطلس ملی زبانی ایران (پرمون، 1385) که حاوی 105 واژه و 36 جملهاست و نیز، مصاحبه با گویشوران حدود 500 روستای استان بوشهر جمعآوری شدهاست. در ابتدا، مصاحبهها براساس حروف آوانگاری بینالمللی (I.P.A.) آوانویسی و تجزیه و تحلیل شد. همچنین سعی گردید واژگانی که بیشترین و کمترین تنوع گویشی را در میان گویشهای استان بوشهر دارند، ترسیم شود. در این پژوهش تنوعات گویشی هر واژه و جمله بر روی نقشههای استان بوشهر به صورت گرافیکی و با رنگهای مختلف قابل مشاهده است. در پایان به بررسی و تحلیل تنوعات گویشی استان بوشهر پرداخته شده و سپس به تبیین و توجیه علمی این اتفاقات زبانی پرداخته شدهاست.<br /> https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_6364_3cbf7bf8b732d0b1986544481a71146c.pdfدانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857220230121The comparison of speech act by Persian monolingual (Persian) and Turkish Persian bilingual studentsمقایسه کنش های گفتاری درخواست و عذرخواهی در تعاملات دانشجویان یک زبانه فارسی و دوزبانه ترکی – فارسی157182627510.22124/plid.2023.23116.1616FAسیده زهرهعلویدانش آموخته کارشناسی ارشد زبانشناسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد علوم تحقیقات فارس، مرودشت، ایران.آمنهزارعاستادیار گروه زبانشناسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد علوم تحقیقات فارس، مرودشت، ایران.Journal Article20221026The purpose of this research is to compare speech acts in interactions of Persian monolingual and Turkish-Persian bilingual students. This research is a field research in the field of language usage. This is a cross-sectional and descriptive-analytical research that collects information using a questionnaire. The statistical population includes monolingual (Persian) and bilingual (Persian-Turkish) students, 100 bilingual students and 100 monolingual students in a random cluster, among the students of Payam Noor and Azad universities in Firozabad and Jam from different disciplines. Bloom and Kolka (1982) questionnaires related to requests and apologies were used to measure speech interactions in the two areas of requests and apologies, each of which contains 18 questions. In this research, in order to analyze the data, SPSS statistical software was used, and the data was examined and analyzed in two parts, descriptive and inferential statistics. The findings showed that most of the responses to apologies are direct. Also, the monolingual group has more interactions than the bilingual group. In the request reaction, most of the answers are direct. The monolingual group has more speech acts. Request reactions, whether in terms of accepting or rejecting the request, are more among monolingual people. The degree of difficulty of actions in the speakers of Turkish has the highest average and the probability of requested action in the speech of the speakers of Persian is higher with a small difference.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>Extended Abstract</strong><br /><strong>1.Introduction</strong><br />Among others, Language has functions such as understanding society and culture, helping to establish and maintain social relations, classifying linguistic categories and helping to reason. Verbal action includes actions such as (demanding), ordering, asking, and informing. If, for example, a question language role is used to ask a question, it is called a direct speech act, while if a sentence with a request syntax is the same as the usual syntax for interrogative sentences, it is an indirect speech act. The speech act of apology is an important topic in literary studies. Apology can be considered a socio-utilitarian phenomenon, because the pragmatic and sociological factors of language flow simultaneously in it. Apology strategies vary from culture to culture. Brown and Levinson believe that people apologize after performing an image-threatening act. By doing this, they do not want to offend the negative image of the listener and apologize to compensate for their offense.<br /> <br /><strong>2.Theoretical Framework</strong><br />The purpose of this research is to compare the speech acts (request and apology) in interactions of Persian monolingual and Turkish-Persian bilingual students. Derakhshan, et al. (2019: 1) showed that there was a statistically significant difference between three groups (non-dynamic evaluation group, dynamic evaluation group and control group); and the dynamic evaluation group performed better. Ghanbari et al. (2015: 1) showed that there is no significant relationship between gender and apology strategies.<br /> <br /><strong>3.Methodology</strong><br />This research is a field research about language usage. This is a cross-sectional and descriptive-analytical research that collects information using a questionnaire. The statistical population includes monolingual (Persian) and bilingual (Persian-Turkish) students from Firozabad and Jam. 100 bilingual students and 100 monolingual students were randomly selected from Payam Noor and Azad University students. Questionnaires related to requests and apologies, each containing 18 questions, were used to measure verbal interactions. These questionnaires were designed by Bloom-Kulka (1986) and were translated and used for the first time.<br /> <br /><strong>4.Results & Discussions</strong><br />In the request response in the monolingual and bilingual group, most of the answers are direct. On the other hand, by examining the average difference of speech acts based on being monolingual or bilingual, there is a significant difference between these two groups, and the monolingual group has actions, and are more talkative than the bilingual group. In general, it can be said that there are more responses to requests, either in terms of accepting or rejecting requests, among monolingual people. The degree of difficulty in the request reaction in the bilingual and monolingual group shows that in the degree of difficulty of the actions and the degree of difficulty in the speakers of Turkish had the highest average, and probability of the requested action in the speech of Persian speakers is higher with a small difference. Turkish speaking people are different in the way they perform actions due to their social class and the level of familiarity. The amount of acquaintances among Turkish speakers is less than among Persian speakers. In the field of non-linguistic variables such as the level of familiarity and social status and the way of using the speech acts of request, indirect request is most commonly used among Farsi speakers as an auxiliary movement and reduces the compulsion to make a request, but among Turkish speakers, it is an analogy and reduces coercion. Also, in the Persian language group, speakers accept 80% of requests, but Turkish language groups, speakers accept 50% of requests.<br /> <br /><strong>5.Conclusions & Suggestions</strong><br />Regarding direct and indirect answers in apology reaction in the monolingual group, most answers are direct. Also, the monolingual group has more interactions than the bilingual group. This result is in line with the result of Rasakh Islam (2003), Rintel and Walters (1980), Haiching Lin Shen (2006). Direct and indirect responses in the request response show that generally most responses are direct. Also, the results show that, in general, most of the answers are direct. On the other hand, the monolingual group has more speech acts than the bilingual group. This result is in line with the research results of Akbari (2016), Bibb, Takashi and Yuliz Welts1 (1990), Bayan (2004), Zhang (1995). The degree of difficulty in the request response in the bilingual and monolingual groups shows that, in general, the degree of difficulty of the actions in the Turkish speaking group had the highest average and the probability of the requested action in the speech of Persian speaking people is higher with a small difference. This result is consistent with the result of Haiching Lin Shen (2006). The most common use of indirect request among Farsi speakers is as an auxiliary movement and reduces the compulsion to make a request, but among Turkish speakers, it is more analogical and reduces the compulsion to request. This result is consistent with the result of Haiching Lin Shen (2006).<br /> <br /><strong>Select bibliography</strong><br />Beebe, l. Takahashi, T. & Uliss – Weltz, R. Pragmatic Transfer in Esl. Refusal. In ESL refusal in R.Scarsella, E.S,Anderson, & S.D.Krashern (ED) developing communicative competence in a second language. New York: Newbury House Publisher.1990: 55-73.<br />Blum-Kulka, Sh. Indirectness and Politeness in Requests: Same or Different? Journal of Pragmatics. 1989. 11: 131-146.<br />Massen, Henry et al. Child Growth and Personality, translated by Mahshid Yasai, Tehran: Mad Kitab Publications. 2014. [In Persian]<br />Zandi, B. & Amani, M. Speech Act Strategies of Apology in Bakhtiari Dialect from the Perspective of Sociolinguistics. Studies of Languages and Dialects of Western Iran, 2015; 3(14): 103-121. [In Persian]<br />Zandi, B. et al. Apology Speech Strategies in Kurdish from the Perspective of Sociolinguistics. Journal of Popular Culture and Literature. 2016: 5(17): 162-139. [In Persian]<br />Yule,G. Pragmatics.Oxford:Oxford University Press. 1996.<strong> </strong>یافتههایاین تحقیق در واکنش عذرخواهی در گروه یکزبانه و دوزبانه نشان میدهد بیشترین پاسخها بهصورت مستقیم است. البته با بررسی تفاوت میانگین تعاملات براساس یکزبانه و دوزبانه بودن، تفاوت معناداری بین این دو گروه وجود دارد. در واکنش درخواستی در گروه یکزبانه و دوزبانه، بیشترین پاسخها بهصورت مستقیم است. ازطرفدیگر، با بررسی تفاوت میانگین کنشهای گفتاری براساس یکزبانه یا دوزبانه بودن تفاوت معناداری بین این دو گروه وجود دارد. بهطورکلی میتوان گفت که واکنشهای درخواستی در زمینۀ پذیرش یا رد درخواست، در افراد یکزبانه بیشتر است. درجۀ سختی در واکنش درخواست در گروه دوزبانه و یکزبانه نشان میدهد که در درجۀ سختی کنشها و درجۀ سختی، ترکزبانها بیشترین میانگین را دارند و احتمال کنش درخواستی در گفتار افراد فارسیزبان با تفاوت اندکی، بیشتر است. ترکزبانان به دلیل طبقۀ اجتماعی و میزان آشنایی در نحوۀ اجرای کنشها با یکدیگر متفاوتاند. میزان آشناییها در ترکزبانان کمتر از فارسیزبانان است. در متغیرهای غیرزبانی بیشترین کاربرد درخواست غیرمستقیم در فارسیزبانان بهصورت حرکت کمکی و کاهشدهندۀ اجبار جهت انجام درخواست است اما در ترکزبانها قیاس و کاهشدهندۀ اجبار درخواست، بیشتر است. همچنین فارسیزبان نسبتبه ترکزبانها بیشتر درخواستها را قبول میکنند.<br /> https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_6275_5f11429d3fc8340e88eb6e862eeaea1b.pdf