دانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857120220823The Historical Prestige of Persian Languageاعتبارِ تاریخیِ زبان فارسی723600010.22124/plid.2022.22276.1603FAموسیمحمودزهیدانشیار فرهنگ و زبانهای باستانی، دانشگاه ولایت، ایرانشهر، ایران0000000202889240Journal Article20220511Because of the social nature of human languages, the people of any society try to credit up the prestige of their own language in comparison to other languages. In the historical contacts of the languages, some of them become more prestigious and come to the level of the “standard language” of a country or countries and become an indicator for validation of other languages. In contrary, it is also possible that the prestige of some others lessens and even they may vanish. According to Pierce, “linguistic prestige” has an interrelationship with “power”, and any prestigious language is supported by a kind of political-governmental, religious, social, cultural power or alike. This article tries to investigate the factors and the degree of prestige of Persian language in a historical point of view, using library data in an analytic- descriptive method. The results of this study show that prestigious condition of Persian language at the first step was achieved because of the necessity of a social unity of Iranian tribes. Then through the passage of history of Iran, Persian language used the advantages of governmental-political, religious, cultural, social, and financial supports and became prestigious. In spite of historical happenings, the effects of above-mentioned factors have caused Persian to be the most well-known Iranian language with the greatest number of speakers so far.
<strong> </strong>
<strong>Extended Abstract</strong>
<strong>1. </strong><strong>Introduction</strong>
All languages, whether live or dead, have their own historical background. In this article a certain aspect of Persian language historical background is noted and it is its “historical prestige”. The major question arises as such: “why among more than hundred Iranian languages and dialects, Persian specifies the most remarkable prestigious position to itself?” The reason can be followed in three major factors: time, place, and man. Bastani Parizi says that the triangle of history is based on the same three mentioned columns.
<strong> 2. </strong><strong>Theoretical Framework</strong>
The history of any language can be studied in different aspects and theoretical approaches. In this article, the history of Persian language is studied based on its historical prestige aspect. Linguistic prestige can be placed in sociolinguistic discussions and it often distinguishes the social and sometimes political-cultural attitudes towards a language in comparison to other languages. Michael Pearce (2007) believes that there is an interrelationship between “social prestige” and “linguistic prestige” in some manners. In additions, linguistic prestige has a direct relation with “power”.
It is worth to note that indicators of a language to be prestigious are relative. For instance, although based on the number of speakers, today Persian is not a prestigious language as languages like Chinese, Spanish, English, and Hindi, from some other aspects such as having cultural, literary, and artistic treasures and historical prestige, it stands on higher levels than the mentioned languages.
<strong>3. Methodology</strong>
The data for this article are gathered through library references, in relation to the major question of the article for the three historical eras of Iranian languages known as Old, Middle, and New. Then with an analytic – descriptive approach, the given data are studied to show the quality of increasing and decreasing of the prestige of Persian, during its 3000 years of its lifetime. In the whole article, there is an emphasize on functions of the three major elements of time, place and man, in Persian language historical prestige.
<strong> 4. </strong><strong>Results & Discussion</strong>
It seems that after the segregation of Iranian languages from the proto- Iranian language, once more a need was felt for a new unification for a common Iranian language among Iranians. They chose Persian language for this purpose. In this way, by the support of Achaemenian government, the foundation was laid for the appearance of a Persian, as a prestigious language among other Iranian languages.
In general, the five following factors can be considered as the supporters of Persian language as a prestigious language: 1- individuals and governmental institutions, 2- people in society, 3- individuals and cultural institutions, 4- individuals and religious institutions, 5- Iranian and non-Iranian languages.
The earliest time in Iran History, in which Persian language really achieved prestige, was when Achaemenian governorship in Pars region was ruling Iran. Achaemenians used Persian language as a means for unification of Iranian tribes after their separation from the common Iranian mother language, and Persian responded this goal successfully.
Through the passage of time, from the time of Achaemenian dynasty up the time being, Persian language has encountered various challenges, some desirable and some disastrous.
Nowadays many Iranian ethnic groups believe that enforcement of Persian language leads to their local and mother tongues become week. Indeed, this is a false thinking and other languages can use Persian language capabilities for enforcement of their own, because Persian is the common language of all Iranian ethnic groups. In other words, all existing Iranian languages can help each other and make a complementary collection with each other.
It can be guessed that from the old and middle eras of Iran up to the present time, tens or may be hundreds of Iranian languages and dialects have been born, some of which have been died and some others are alive. Among these Iranian languages and dialects, some have been luckier in comparison to others. One of the luckiest languages among all Iranian languages has been Persian. Persian has been profited at least of two advantages: firstly the Achaemenian rulers based its foundation very firmly, and secondly Iranians have used it as their unifier language through ages up to now.
<strong> 5. </strong><strong>Conclusion & Suggestions</strong>
It seems that five major steps were taken in the history of Iran for making Persian a prestigious language among other Iranian languages: 1-introducing Persian as a “national language” among Iranian tribes, 2- being used in Achaemenian rulers’ inscriptions written in cuneiform script, 3- introducing Persian as official language in Iran, 4- translation from other languages into Persian, 5- using Persian in educational institutions.
The results show that before Islam, collective attempts of Iranians, and supports of two Iranian governments, namely Achaemenian and Sassanid, made Persian a prestigious language. After Islam, factors such as political-governmental powers, religion, translation, resistance against contacted languages, poetry, literature, calligraphy, education did the same thing for Persian.
From the time of Achaemenian up to now, Persian language has gradually achieved the following linguistic prestige indications: it could have been the national, official, standard, and lingua franca of Iranians; it has affected other languages and even overcome some of them; it has resisted against the supremacy of Greek, Parthian, Arabic and Turkish languages; it has played role in making new languages; and it has finally paved the way for the introduction of cultural, literary, and artistic capabilities among Iranians and even non - Iranians.
We can argue that through considering Persian as the common language of all Iranians, it can be used in promoting social convergence among Iranians. And, it is obvious that considering Persian only as the heritage of Pars tribe and region, leads to social divergence among Iranians. In addition, although today Persian stands at the highest position among Iranian languages and its foundation is relatively firm and strong, this does not mean that nothing can threaten it. It is necessary to emphasize that Persian language always needs to be supported. Right now, to preserve and develop the prestige of Persian, we must do whatever we can, considering linguistic and language planning views, and also the very nature of the language itself.
<strong>Select Bibliography</strong>
Amoozgar, J. & Tafazzoli, A. 2013. <em>Pahlavi Language </em>(Literature, Grammatical Sketch, Texts and Glossary), Tehran: Moin Publishing Company. [In Persian]
Ashuri, D. 2010. <em>Rethinking Persian Language</em>, Tehran: Nashr-e-Markaz Publications. [In Persian]
Garvin, P. 1973, “Some Comments on Language Planning”. <em>Language Planning: Current Issues and Research</em>.<strong> </strong>Eds. J. Rubin and R. Shuy, 24-33.
Hudson, R. A. 1996. <em>Sociolinguistics</em>, second edition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Kent, Roland G. 1953. <em>Old Persian</em>, second edition, American Oriental Society, New Haven, Connecticut.
Lazard, G. 2005.<em> La Formation De La Langue Persane</em>, translated by: Mahasti Bahrayni, Tehran: Hermes Publications. [In Persian]
Mahmoudzehi, M. & Bahremand, A. 2019. “Importance of Translation in Old Iranian languages’ Documents”,<em> Zabanshenakht, 10 (1): 107-126.</em> [In Persian]
Mazdapoor, K. 2018. “Persian Language and the People of Pars<em>, Pazhoohesh Namay-e- Farhang va Zabanhay-e Bastani”, </em>1 (1): 1-20. [In Persian]
Mowlai, Ch. 2019. <em>A Manual of Old Persian (Grammar, Texts, Lexicon)</em>, Tehran: Avay-e Khavar Publications. [In Persian]
Pearce, M. 2007. <em>The Routledge Dictionary of English Language Studies</em>, Abingdon: Taylor & Francis Group.<strong> </strong>باتوجه به ماهیت اجتماعیِ زبانهای بشری، افراد هر جامعه تلاش میکنند که زبان خود را در مقایسه با زبانهای دیگر اعتبار ببخشند. در برخورد تاریخی زبانها با یکدیگر، تعدادی از زبانها اعتبار بیشتری مییابند و حتی «زبان معیارِ» سرزمین یا سرزمینهایی، و شاخصی برای اعتبارسنجی زبانهای دیگر میشوند. در مقابل، این امکان نیز وجود دارد که از اعتبار بعضی زبانها کاسته شود و حتی از میان بروند. به اعتقاد پیرس، «اعتبار زبانی» با «قدرت» رابطۀ درونی دارد و هر زبانِ معتبر از پشتوانۀ نوعی قدرت سیاسی- حکومتی، مذهبی، اجتماعی، فرهنگی و مانند آن برخوردار است. این مقاله با استفاده از منابع کتابخانهای و با روشی تحلیلی– توصیفی، به بررسیِ نوع قدرتهایِ پشتیبان و میزان پشتیبانی از زبان فارسی با دیدگاهی تاریخی پرداختهاست. نتایج نشان میدهد که ابتدا اعتباریابی زبان فارسی به خاطر یک نیاز اجتماعی برای وحدتبخشی اقوام ایرانی بودهاست. سپس در ادوار مختلفِ تاریخِ ایران این زبان از پشتیبانی عواملِ حکومتی- سیاسی، دینی، فرهنگی، اجتماعی، اقتصادی، و ... بهره برده و تقویت شدهاست. تأثیر این عواملِ باعث شده که علیرغم رویدادهای تاریخی، زبان فارسی تا امروز بهعنوان معروفترین و پُرسخنگوترین زبان ایرانی باقی بماند.https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_6000_edbc6b6b54eb423a4769f681ccc4f740.pdfدانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857120220823Numeral System of a Number of Iranian and Non-Iranian Languages, in and out of Iranنظام شمارش در چند زبانِ ایرانی و ناایرانیِ درون و برون ایران2550592710.22124/plid.2022.22465.1606FAرضاامینیاستادیار پژوهشگاه میراث فرهنگی و گردشگری، تهران، ایران.0000-0002-0486-2332Journal Article20220611In this research, the numerical system of a number of languages spoken inside and outside Iran has been studied. Methodologically, this research is both inductive and deductive; and its data have been studied descriptively-analytically and comparatively. The focus of the research is to identify and explain the characteristics of the numerical system of the languages in question. The languages whose data have been analyzed in this study are of two categories: a number of Turkic languages spoken in Iran, and a number of Iranian languages spoken inside and outside Iran. As needed, in the analysis of the article, the numerical system of other languages has also been discussed too. This study shows that in the numerical system of Turkic languages spoken in Iran, and Iranian languages spoken inside and outside Iran, there is a significant variety; and Iranian and non-Iranian languages, at the level of the numerical system, have had many influences from each other. It has also been argued that some similarities between Iranian and non-Iranian languages are the result of long-term linguistic contact.
<strong>Extended Abstract</strong>
<strong>1. Introduction</strong>
Numbers play a big role in human life. Until a few decades ago, sometimes on the walls of some rural houses or shops, several bunches of vertical lines were seen, on some of which a line were drawn horizontally. These lines were used to record the purchase and sale of milk and other rural goods. Each line represents a certain amount of something that was given to someone, and when a horizontal line was drawn on a bunch of these lines, this meant that the borrower later paid off his debt. This method has been used more by illiterate people; and it can be said that its efficiency has been limited to small amounts and simple and uncomplicated exchanges; since, for example, drawing tens of thousands of lines on a wall to show that someone has bought that amount of milk from another in practice was impossible, let alone the fact that in small communities we cannot see these kinds of large exchanges, in the past and even now. Given the linguistic diversity of Iran and the vast geographical area in which Iranian languages are used, a study of the numerals of the languages spoken today in Iran and Iranian languages outside of Iran's political geography, can be informative. Therefore, in this study, the numerals of a number of Iranian and non-Iranian languages inside and outside Iran is examined to answer two questions: a. "What are the characteristics of the numeral systems of the languages in question?" b. "What explanation can be given for the specific features of the numeral system of these languages?"
<strong>2. </strong><strong>Theoretical Framework</strong>
Examination of different languages shows that most of them are based on the number "ten", i.e. the number of fingers on both hands, although in many of them the effect of numerical systems based on a number other than ten can also be seen. The numeral system of some languages also has features that cannot be easily explained by numeral systems based on "ten" and "twenty". For example, it is said that "the Sumerians and the Babylonians, for unknown reasons, based the number 60 on their system of counting. If today we divide the clock into sixty minutes of sixty seconds, it originates in the same system of Babylonian Sumerian counting, dividing the circle into 360 degrees, and dividing each minute into 60 seconds". Despite these variations and differences, the historical study of the subject shows that the systems of counting in languages of the world have gradually moved towards convergence with the two more common systems based on the number "ten" and the number "twenty".
<strong> 3. </strong><strong>Methodology</strong>
In this study, data from several Iranian and non-Iranian languages inside and outside Iran have been studied and analyzed, and based on this, conclusions and generalizations have been obtained. The numeral system of languages has been discussed in a comprehensive way. Hence, this research, methodologically, is both inductive and deductive; and in terms of method, it is descriptive, analytical and comparative. Research data have also been collected in several ways: part of the data is the result of field participation in the linguistic communities of the languages in question; part of the data was collected through having conversation with speakers of the languages and asking them purposeful questions; part of the data is the result of searches in channels, groups, pages, web sites and blogs in cyberspace and internet, and part of the data is derived from the researches done previously about the language varieties studied in this research.
<strong>4. Results & Discussions</strong>
Milajerd Turkish is based on “fifty” in a part of its numeral system, and in part of it on “hundred”. There are some similarities between the numeral system of this Turkish variety and Harzani Tati. This shows that these two language varieties, one Turkic and the other Iranian, behave similarly in certain parts of their counting system. This may be due to the languages being influenced by each other; but the long geographical distance between places where these two languages are used put such a hypothesis under question, unless it is said that the effect is at another time when these languages could have come into contact with each other. In examining the Sarikoli numeral system, as an Iranian language, we saw that a number of its numbers are derived from Turkic languages. We also saw the Iranian language of Tati being influenced by Turkish in construction of ordinal numbers. Some Turkic languages are also influenced by Iranian languages in the category of numbers. The features of the numeral system of Sanglechi, Sarikoli, Shughni and Wakhi languages are also noteworthy. In some of these languages, the operation of vigesimal system is seen; and in some parts of their numeral system we can see impacts of Turkic languages.
<em> </em>
<strong> 5. </strong><strong>Conclusions & Suggestions </strong>
Based on the investigations and analyzes of this research, it can be said that in studying numeral systems, paying attention to each category of numbers is particularly important. For example, in order to know the numeral system of a language, we need to examine the numbers "twenty" to "hundred". Also, according to the findings of this research and previous researches, it can be said that in examining the numeral system of languages, pay attention to the numbers "five", "ten", "twenty", "thirty" and "fifty" is important, because numeral systems of most of the world's languages are mainly based on these numbers.
<strong> </strong><strong>Select Bibliography</strong>
Benzing, J. 1959. “Das Tschuwaschische”, In: <em>Philologiae Turcicae Fundamenta</em>, edited by Jean Deny and Kaare Grønbech, Wiesbaden: Steiner,<em> </em>695-751.
Blažek, V. 2019. <em>Altaic Languages: History of research, survey, classification and a sketch of comparative grammar</em>, Brno: Masaryk University Press.
Doerfer, G. 1971. <em>Khalaj Material</em>, with Collaboration of Wolfram Hesche, Hartwig<br />Scheinhardt & Semih Tezcanm, Bloomington: Indiana University Publications.
Edelman, D. (Joy) I., Leila R. Dodykhudoeva 2009. “The Pamir Languages”, in <em>The Iranian Languages</em>, edited by Gernot Windfuhr, London: Routledge.
Emmerick, R. 1992 A. “Old Indian”, <em>Indo-European Numerals</em>, edited by Jadranka Gvozdanivć, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 163-198.
Jafari Matekalaee (Arya Bozorgmehr) M., Goshtasb F. 2017. “Introduction to the Pahlavi Numeral System and an Effective Approach to the Calculus of Pahlavi Numbers”, <em>Zabanshenakht</em>, Autumn and Winter of 2017, 2: 27-53. [in Persian]
Karang, A. 1954. <em>Tati and Harzani, Two Accents of Ancient Language of Azerbaijan</em>, Tabriz: Commercial and Press Firm of Vaezpour. [in Persian]
Rezayi Baghbidi, H. 2002. <em>The Grammar of Parthian Language (Arsacid Pahlavi)</em>, Tehran: Academy of Persian Language and Literature. [in Persian]
Tariverdizade, N., Monshizade M., and Shahidi A. 2019. “A Comparison between Numbers and Counting System of Ancient Iranian Tribes with other Tribes”, <em>Journal of New Finding in Humanities Sciences</em>, 2(21): 134-148. [in Persian]
Zoka, Y. 1957. “The Dialect of “Galin Ghaye” or Harzandi”, <em>The Culture of Irann-zamin</em>, 5: 51-92. [in Persian]<em> </em>در این پژوهش، نظام شمارشِ شماری از زبانهای رایج در درون و بُرون ایران بررسی شدهاست. روششناسی پژوهش، ترکیبی از روششناسی استقرایی و قیاسی است؛ و دادههای آن به روش توصیفی- تحلیلی و تطبیقی بررسی شده. هدف کانونی پژوهش، شناخت و تبیینِ ویژگیهای نظام شمارش زبانهاست. زبانهایی که دادههای آنها در این پژوهش بررسی و تحلیل شده، دو دستهاند: شماری از زبانهای ترکیتبار رایج در ایران و شماری از زبانهای ایرانیِ رایج در درون و بُرون ایران. به اقتضای نیاز، در تحلیلها و بررسیهای مقاله، از نظام شمارش زبانهای دیگری نیز سخن به میان آمدهاست. این پژوهش نشان میدهد که در نظام شمارش زبانهای ترکیتبار رایج در ایران و زبانهای ایرانیِ رایج در درون و بُرون ایران، گوناگونیِ چشمگیری دیده میشود؛ و زبانهای ایرانی و ناایرانی، در سطح نظام شمارش، اثرپذیریهای زیادی از یکدیگر داشتهاند. همچنین استدلال شده که برخی همانندیهای نظام شمارش زبانهای ایرانی و ناایرانی، برایند اثر تماس زبانی درازمدت است.https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_5927_2e231f955e09751a3c4e5ab78b9c6197.pdfدانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857120220823Phonological stress in Gilakiتکیه واجی در زبان گیلکی5175552010.22124/plid.2022.21627.1591FAوحیدصادقیدانشیار گروه زبان انگلیسی و زبانشناسی، دانشگاه بینالمللی امام خمینی، قزوین، ایران0000000258161769هاجراصغرپورکارشناس ارشد، گروه زبان انگلیسی و زبانشناسی، دانشگاه بینالمللی امام خمینی، قزوین، ایران.0000000191147259Journal Article20220125In this Article, we investigated the phonological distribution of stress in Gilaki. To this end, words from four different morpho-syntactic classes were gathered which varied in the location of stress depending on their morphological structure. 14 native speakers of Gilaki read the target words. The words were then phonologically transcribed and the location of stress was determined. An overview of the data suggested that lexical stress in Gilaki is predominantly word-final; however, the presence of some affixes results in the distribution of non-final stressed words in this language. The data were analyzed within the metrical phonology to reach a generalized account of the varied distribution of stress in Gilaki. Thus, we suggested that stress in Gilaki is either assigned at the level of phonological word in which stress is located on the last syllable of the word, or at the level of phonological phrase in which stress is placed the strong syllable of the leftmost phonological word in the phrase.
<strong>Extended Abstract </strong>
<strong> 1. </strong><strong>Introduction </strong>
Gilaki is an Iranian language of northwestern branch which is the language of majority of people in Gilan province and some parts of adjacent provinces such as Mazandaran and Qazvin. From the perspective of phonology, Gilaki includes seven vowels. All these vowels have complete phonological distribution and are used in the segmental string of words regardless of prosodic and syllabic structure. Word stress in Gilaki is dynamic in the sense that it varies to a great extent depending on words’ <em>morpho-syntactic properties</em>. Stress is located on the last syllable when there are no morphological or syntactic affixes attached to words. <strong> </strong>
In this Article, we investigated the phonological distribution of stress in Gilaki words. To this end, words from four different morpho-syntactic classes were gathered in which stress varied depending on words’ morphological structure. 14 native speakers of Gilaki read the target words. The words were then transcribed phonologically, and the location of stress was determined. An overview of the data suggested that lexical stress in Gilaki is predominantly word-final; however, the presence of some affixes results in the distribution of non-final stressed words in this language. The data were analyzed within the Prosodic Phonology to reach a generalized account of the varied distribution of stress in Gilaki. Thus, the hierarchical levels of the Prosodic Phonology were used for this purpose.
<strong> 2. </strong><strong>Theoretical framework</strong>
According to Hyman (2014), languages are divided in two classes in terms of prosodic structure; stress system and non-stress system. Languages in which one syllable in a word is more prominent than the others are called stress system and the prominent syllable is called the stressed syllable. In stress languages, pitch accent variation is realized on the stressed syllable. By contrast, in non-stress languages, no syllable is more prominent than any other syllables. Stress is an instrument for marking a syllable which is expected to bear a pitch accent in intonation.
Prosodic phonology is a theoretical model within generative phonology dealing with layers of phonological analysis; that is, layers at which phonological processes and structures are described. In these layers, processes such as devoicing, compensatory lengthening, deletion and stress assignment occur. In the discussion of stress in prosodic phonology, the prominent element in each layer can be marked based on stress assignment rules.
<strong> </strong>
<strong> 3. </strong><strong>Methodology </strong>
This study was conducted based on a descriptive-analytic methodology. At first, the research data were collected from library sources such as Gilaki books, dictionaries, poem collections, theses and articles, etc. The data consisted of the morpho-syntactic classes of nouns, adjectives, adverbs and verbs. Them, the stress behavior of words in different morpho-syntactic classes was observed. The selected words were given to 14 native speakers of Gilaki, to pronounce all living in Rasht. The words were then transcribed phonologically and the location of stress was determined. Then, a comprehensive analysis of phonological stress in Gilaki was proposed based on the layers of prosodic hierarchy in prosodic phonology.
<strong> 4. </strong><strong>Results and discussion </strong>
The layers of prosodic hierarchy in prosodic phonology were used to reach a generalized account of the varied distribution of stress in Gilaki. The results indicated that stress in this language follows two general rules. Stress assignment rule at the phonological word level, according to which the final syllable of word is the carrier of stress; and Stress assignment rule at the level of phonological phrase, according to which the strong syllable of the leftmost phonological word carries stress.
The investigation of the data revealed that stress in nouns, adjectives and adverbs in Gilaki is located on the final syllable according to stress assignment rule at the phonological word level. Stress is also final in plural nouns and the comparative and superlative adjectives, because plural morphemes as well as comparative and superlative morphemes absorb word stress.
But the presence of some affixes gives rise to the distribution to non-final stress. For example, enclitics do not receive stress, and thus, stress remains on the final syllable of the stem. This results in words with non-final stress. In fact, enclitics are regarded as independent words. Verb affixes, such as prefixes and negations absorb stress, which leads to the distribution of stress-initial words in Gilaki. Also, in compound verbs, based on stress assignment rule at the level of phonological phrase, stress is located on the strong syllable of the first phonological word on the left side of the phonological phrase. In general, it can be concluded that in words which have enclitics, prefixes and negation as well as in compound verbs, stress follows the stress assignment rule at the level of phonological phrase.
<strong> 5. </strong><strong>Conclusion & Suggestions</strong>
In this study, we examined the pattern of phonological stress in the morphological structure of various Gilaki words. The results showed that word stress in Gilaki is located on the final syllable of words as a general phonological rule. But the presence of some affixes in words causes stress to become non-final. For example, enclitics do not receive stress, which means that despite the addition of the enclitics to the construction of a word, the stress remains on the final syllable of the stem. Also, some verb prefixes as well as negations absorb stress, which results in initial stress. We used prosodic phonology to analyze the patterns of stress variation in Gilaki.
<strong>Select Bibliography</strong>
Eslami, M. 2009. “Stress in Persian”. <em>Pardazesh Alaem Dadeha</em>, Fourth Year, No. 1, (11), Tehran, Iran. [In Persian]
Bijen Khan, M. 2013. <em> Phonetic system of the Persian Language</em>. Tehran: Organization for the Study and Compilation of University Humanities Books (Samat), Center for Research and Development of Humanities. [In Persian]
Colantoni, L., Hualde, J. I., & Isasi, A. I. 2019. “Stressed Clitic Pronouns in Two Spanish Varieties: A perception study”. <em>Catalan Journal of Linguistics</em>, 18: 105-29, doi.org/10.5565/rev/catjl.260 [View: 23-03-2022].
Hyman, Larry M. 2014. “Do all languages have word accent?” In van der Hulst, H. (ed.) <em>Word Stress: Theoretical and Typological Issues</em>. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. <em> </em>DOI: 10.1017/cbo9781139600408.004
Klassen, G. & Patience, M. 2016. “Stressed clitics in Argentine Spanish: Which way does the clitic lean?” In Alejandro Cuza, Lori Czerwionka & Daniel Olson (eds.). Inquiries in Hispanic Linguistics: From theory to empirical evidence, 149-169. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Nadeu, M., Simonet, M., & Llompart, M. 2017. Stress postverbal pronominals in Catalan.
Probus 29(1): 119-162.
Pescarini, D. 2018. “Stressed enclitics are not weak pronouns A plea for allomorphy”. <em>Romance </em>
<em> Languages and Linguistic Theory 14: Selected papers from the 46th Linguistic Symposium on </em>
<em> Romance</em><em> </em><em>Languages (LSRL)</em>, Stony Brook, 2018, ff10.1075/rllt.14.13pes.
Rastargoyeva, V.S., Karimova E.A.I., Mohammadzadeh E.K., Piriko L.A., Edelman D.A. 1971. <em>Gilaki language</em>. Farhang-e Ilya. Rasht, Iran. [In Persian]
Sadeghi, V. 2018. <em>The Prosodic Structure of the Persian Language</em>. Tehran: Organization for the Study and Compilation of University Humanities Books (Samt), Center for Research and Development of Humanities. [In Persian]
Samei, H. (1995). “Verb stress in Persian: A new examination”. <em>Farhangestan Name</em>, Q1, Sh4: 21-6. [In Persian]در این مقاله به بررسی توزیع واجی تکیه در واژههای گیلکی پرداختیم. برای این منظور واژههایی از چهار طبقۀ صرفی-نحوی اسم، صفت، قید و فعل جمعآوری شد که در آنها الگوی تکیۀ واجی بسته به ساختمان صرفی واژهها متفاوت بود. دادههای هدف پژوهش را 14 گویشور بومی گیلکی تلفظ کردند. صورت آوایی دادهها بازنویسی و محل وقوع تکیه در واژهها مشخص گردید. بررسیها نشان داد تکیۀ واژههای گیلکی برمبنای یک قاعدۀ عام واجی بر روی هجای پایانی است ولی وجود برخی وندها منجر به توزیع واژهها با تکیۀ غیرپایانی در زبان گیلکی میشود. برای آنکه الگوهای متنوع تکیهای در واژههای گیلکی را در چهارچوب یک انگاره تحلیلی جامع تبیین کنیم، از سطوح سلسلهمراتبی واجشناسی نوایی استفاده کردیم. برایناساس، نشان دادیم الگوی تکیۀ واجی در گیلکی یا از قاعدۀ تکیهگذاری در سطح واژه واجی تبعیت میکند که براساس آن هجای پایانی در واژههای واجی حامل تکیه است یا مبتنیبر قاعدۀ تکیهگذاری در سطح گروه واجی است که براساس آن هجای قوی در سمت چپیترین واژه واجی در گروه واجی تکیه دریافت میکند.https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_5520_d308d22a39ac8605467ec001c66ab5b1.pdfدانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857120220823Some verbal constructions of the middle persian in the texts of Southwest Persian type
(A discussion on the introduction of a new type of Persian language)برخی ساختهای فعلی دورۀ میانه در متون گونۀ فارسی جنوبِ غربیِ (بحثی در معرفی یک گونه از زبان فارسی)77100606810.22124/plid.2023.23168.1617FAحامدنوروزیدانشیار گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه بیرجند، بیرجند، ایران0000-0003-1420-8622Journal Article20221101Linguistic analysis of the texts of the period of development of the Persian language shows that during this period, a standard Persian language had not yet been formed. For this reason, in the domain of the spread of this language, texts full of dialectal elements are formed. One of the varieties of Persian, which has not been studied independently for some reasons, is the southwestern variety. In this article, the purpose of which is to introduce the southwest Persian variety, by examining some of the oldest surviving texts of this linguistic variety, we will examine some of the current constructions surviving from the middle period in this variety: 1/ passive stem; 2/ artificial stem; 3/ transitive suffix -ēn; 4/ subjunctive construction; 5/ verbal prefix by-. Of course, in some of these constructions, the verbal characteristics of the MP have been expanded and new verbal structures have been formed. After examining the above-mentioned cases, it becomes clear that the southwest Persian variety, probably due to its proximity to the area of Middle Persian prevalence, has many of the verbal characteristics of this period in the time frame it has kept in itself.
<strong><br />Extended Abstract</strong>
<strong>1. ]ntroduction</strong>
One of the varieties of Persian language whose texts and characteristics have not been introduced and studied in Iran is the Southwest variety. This variety of Persian is mostly described on the basis of Persian texts in Hebrew script. Jewish-Persian literature is a group of texts whose language is Persian (and more precisely, different varieties of Persian), written in Hebrew script. "The southwestern texts are geographically closer to MP, and for this reason, linguistically, they have preserved more characteristics of MP". In this research, based on the methods of historical linguistics and dialectology, we will show the verbal constructions left over from the middle period in Southwest Persian texts.
<strong>2. Theoretical Framework</strong>
Based on the theoretical framework of the current research, the southwest geographic variety, like other geographic varieties, has common characteristics that are known as "variety" in short. The above-mentioned selected texts are part of the texts that have remained and can represent the old dialect of that area. In this research, we will only focus on the common features of the southwestern variety of Persian language in the field of verbs.
<strong>3. </strong><strong>Methodology</strong>
The data of this research has been collected based on the corpus of written texts. To collect these data, only those texts were used that were written in the southwestern part of Iran. These texts are: 1. Law Report of Ahvaz (LRA) (Margoliuth, 1899); 2. Commentary on Ezekiel (Ez) (Gindin, 2007) (in this article, only the southwestern part of the commentary is used); 3. Commentary on Joshua or Early Jewish-Persian Argument (EJA) (MacKenzie, 1999); 4. Pentateuch of Vatican (PV) (Paper 1965a, b & 1966) and 5. Pentateuch of London (PL) (Paper, 1972). To do this research, the above-mentioned texts and current constructions belonging to the middle period, which are not found in other varieties of Persian, have been extracted.
<strong> 4. </strong><strong>Results and Discussion</strong>
The Verbal constructions surviving from the MP in southwestern texts are:
Passive Construction by Passive Stem
The Passive Stem in Present Tense is obtained by adding -īh to the stem. In NP, the use of the Passive Stem has disappeared, and the only way to form a passive verb is to use the past participle in addition to auxiliary verbs. However, in the southwestern variety of the Persian language, such as the second part of Ez, EJA and LRA the Passive Stem is used in the construction of the Passive verb.
The Passive Stem in past tense is obtained by adding the ending -ist to the passive present stem. In the MP, only the third person singular form of the past tense is seen. But in Ez there are also examples of other conjugations. In Ez the Passive stem is used in addition to the different forms of the verb, in the past participle and the infinitive. In addition, in the MP, the passive verb is made only by using the transitive participle (ibid, 1379: 170-1). But in the Ez there are examples where the present participle is also made into a passive stem.
Artificial Stem in Past Tense (passive) from nouns and adjectives
In the MP is made by adding the ending -īh and the past participle morpheme -ist to nouns, adjectives and adverbs. In the second part of Ez, in some cases the Artificial past stem is made by nouns and adjectives (Persian and Arabic).
Transitive suffix -ēn instead of -ā/an
The imperative in MP is formed by adding the suffix -ēn (< Old Iranian: *ay-na-) to the end of the present participle. In NP, the imperative participle is formed by adding -a/ān (<Middle Western Iranian: -ēn) to the imperative and transitive participle. However, in the second part of Ez and PL, the imperative suffix -ēn of the MP is frequently used.
Subjunctive Construction
The manner of constructing the present subjunctive verb in MP has not reached Dari Persian, only its third person singular form is used in NP as a benedictory verb of the third person singular. However, in the texts of the southwestern region, such as PL and Ez, it is used as Subjunctive verb, as in the middle period. In addition to this, unlike MP, sometimes the third person plural form of this construction is also observed in southwestern texts.
1. The use of the Subjunctive construction of the MP as the Imperative verb
In ancient Iranian and middle-western Iranian, the subjunctive verb, in addition to being used in its original meaning, is also used in the meaning of command (imperative). In PL, the most used of the MP subjunctive is in the imperative. Especially, this construction is always used in the absent imperative. This construction, with the same usage, is also seen with less frequency in the PV and Paris Bible (PB).
MP Present prefix bē
The verbal prefix b-, which today is seen only in the imperative and subjunctive mood, is a remnant of Middle Zoroastrian Persian bē. In NP, sometimes the vowel after b is /a/, sometimes is /o/, and sometimes is /e/. However, the present prefix b- is seen in the PV, Ez, and sometimes in the PL as by-. This y most likely indicates the MP pronunciation of this component, i.e. the unknown /ē/ or the saturated form of /e/ i.e. /i/.
<strong> 5. </strong><strong>Conclusions and Suggestions</strong>
It is clear that some linguistic elements or constructions that were thought to exist only in the MP are also found in the southwest variety of NP. Some of these elements have undergone phonetic transformation in NP. Some constructions of the MP have also been used in an expanded form in the NP. Therefore, it can be said that the most important feature of Southwest Persian verity is the preservation and even the structural expansion of many of the verbal constructions of the MP in the post-Islamic periods (NP). Considering the similarities in the structure of verbs between this linguistic variety and the Sistani variety (Qur'an-e Qods), these two varieties are the most important foci of preservation and continuity of the structure of verbs from the MP in the NP.
<strong>Select Bibliography</strong>
Gindin, T.E. 2007. <em>The Early Judaeo-Persian Tafsirs of Ez ekiel: Text, Translation, Commentary</em>. Vol. I: text (Veroffentlichungen zur Iranistik), Austrian Academy of Sciences.
Gindin, T.E. 2014. <em>The Early Judaeo-Persian Tafsirs of Ezekiel: Text, Translation, Commentary</em>. Vol. III: grammar (Veroffentlichungen zur Iranistik), Austrian Academy of Sciences.
Lazard, G. 1968. “La Dialectologie du Judeo-Persan”, <em>Studies in Bibliography and Booklore</em> 8: 77-98
Mackenzie, D. N. 1999. “An Early Jewish-Persian Argument”, in <em>IRANICA DIVERSA</em>, Edited by Carlo G. Cereti and Ludwig Paul, 2 Vol, Serie Orientale Roma, Istituto Italiano Per l’africa l’oriente, NA315-NA337.
Margoliouth, D. S. 1899. “A Jewish-Persian Law Report”, <em>The Jewish Quarterly Review</em>, Jul., Vol. 11, No. 4 (Jul., 1899): 671-675.
Paper, H.H., 1965a. “The Vatican Judeo- Persian Pentateuch: Numbers”, <em>Acta Orientalia</em>, xxix, 3-4: 253-370.
Paper, H.H., 1965b. “The vatican Judeo- Persian Pentateuch: Exodus and Leviticus”, <em>Acta Orientalia</em>, xxIx, 1-2: 75-181.
Paper, H.H., 1966. “The Vatican Judeo- Persian Pentateuch: Genesis”, <em>Acta Orientalia</em>, xxviii 3-4: 263-340.
Paper, H.H., 1972<em>. A Judeo-Persian Pentateuch</em>, <em>The Text of the oldest Judeo-Persian Pentateuch Translation</em>, British Museum Ms. Or. 5446. Jerusalem and Leiden.
Paul, Ludwig 2013. <em>A Grammar of Early Judaeo-Persian</em>, Wiesbaden, Reichert Verlag.بررسی زبانی متون دورة تکوین زبان فارسی (254- 617ق) نشان میدهد در این دوران هنوز زبانی به صورت فارسی معیار شکل نگرفته بود. به همین دلیل در حوزة رواج این زبان، متونی شکل میگیرد که مشحون از عناصر گویشی است. یکی از گونههای زبان فارسی که به دلایلی تاکنون به صورت مستقل به آن پرداخته نشده، گونة جنوب غربی است. در این مقاله که هدف آن آغاز معرفی گونة فارسی جنوب غربی است، با مطالعة بخشهایی از کهنترین متون بازمانده از این گونة زبانی، به بررسی برخی از ساختهای فعلی بازمانده از دورة میانه در این گونه خواهیم پرداخت: 1. مادة مجهول؛ 2. مادة ماضی جعلی؛ 3. پسوند متعدیساز -ēn؛ 4. ساخت التزامی؛ 5. پیشوند فعلی by-. برخی از این عناصر که هنوز در گویشهای ایرانی زنده هستند در فارسی نو رسمی از میان رفتهاند. البته در برخی از این ساختها، ویژگیهای فعلی دورۀ میانه بسط یافته و ساختهای فعلی جدیدی شکل گرفتهاست. پس از بررسی موارد مذکور روشن میشود که گونة فارسی جنوب غربی احتمالا به دلیل نزدیکی با حوزة رواج فارسی میانه، بسیاری از ویژگیهای فعلی این دوره را در بازة زمانی 254ق (آغاز دورۀ نو) تا حملۀ مغول، در خود حفظ کردهاست.https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_6068_e3431128771fface4b8bbc608cc6e586.pdfدانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857120220823Clausal and non-clausal negation in the Gilaki language (Lahijani variety) in typological perspectiveنفی بند و غیرِبند در زبان گیلکی (گونهی لاهیجانی) از منظر ردهشناختی101123552910.22124/plid.2022.21376.1584FAسیده زینبمهدویانکارشناس ارشد زبانشناسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایرانمنصورشعبانیدانشیار زبانشناسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایران.0000-0003-0884-7962مریمدانای طوسدانشیار زبانشناسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایران0000-0002-5307-085XJournal Article20211225Negation is represented in all natural languages (Miestamo, 2017). In Gilaki, this phenomenon is not dealt with thoroughly. The present study attempts to provide a comprehensive description of negation in Gilaki (Lahijani variety) according to the questionnaire proposed by Miestamo (2016). For this purpose, the negation strategies used in clausal and non-clausal negation have been described. Additionally, negative structures and paradigms have been examined regarding symmetry. The data has been gathered from the everyday language spoken by the native speakers in the city of Lahijan. Negation strategies used in standard negation differ from those of other clauses in many languages, whereas it is not the case in Lahijani. The findings suggest that negation can be expressed symmetrically or asymmetrically in constructions containing different types of verbs (simple, prefixal, and compound) with respect to tense and mood. Moreover, there are some cases that the only distinction between the positive construction and its negative correspondence is not merely due to the addition of the negative element but other changes would occur, such as the replacement of the negative marker with another morpheme or some phonological changes, resulting in structural asymmetry. In non-clausal negation, negative reply, negative indefinites, and negative derivation are explored. <br /> <br /><strong>Extended Abstract</strong><br /><strong>1. Introduction</strong><br />Negation is a phenomenon that is expressed in every natural language. Standard negation is defined as the basic strategies to negate declarative verbal main clauses. Typologically, in some environments such as non-declarative clauses and existential predicates, negation is expressed by other means rather than standard negation. This study aims to describe negation strategies in different clauses and non-clausal environments according to Miestamo (2016). <br /> <br /><strong> 2. Theoretical framework</strong><br />According to the questionnaire proposed by Miestamo (2016), negation is primarily classified into clausal and non-clausal. Moreover, negation is described regarding structural and paradigmatic symmetry. In symmetrical structure, the only distinction between the positive and its negative counterpart is the presence of negative element. Asymmetry in structure refers to other change(s) in addition to the presence of negative maker. A paradigm, on the other hand, is symmetric if there is a one-to-one correspondence between the positive and negative members, otherwise it is asymmetric.<br /> <br /><strong> 3. Methodology</strong><br />This descriptive study is conducted within the framework of the questionnaire proposed by Miestamo (2016). The data has been collected from everyday language spoken by native speakers of Gilaki (Lahijani variety) in the city of Lahijan, in addition to the fact that the authors are native in the language. Negation strategies are formally described in different clauses including declarative verbal main clauses, non-declaratives, non-verbal, and non-main clauses. Also, non-clausal negation such as negative replies, negative indefinites, and negative derivation is examined. Besides, negative structures and paradigms are described regarding symmetry.<br /> <br /><strong> 4. Results & Discussion</strong><br />In Gilaki (Lahijani variety), standard negation (negation in declarative verbal main clauses) is expressed by attaching the negative marker to the verb of the clause. Verbs, in this language, are classified into 3 categories: simple, prefixal, and compound. In Lahijani variety, the negative affix /nǝ/ or its allomorphs /ni/ and /nu/, based on the vowel in the first syllable of the stem, attaches to the beginning of the verb and the verbal component in simple and compound verbs, respectively. In prefixal verbs, the affix /n/ is realized after the verbal prefix. Other clauses such as non-declaratives (imperatives and questions), non-verbal clauses and dependent clauses are negated in the same way as the standard negation. On the other hand, since symmetry in negative structures and paradigms depends on tense and mood, clauses are examined with respect to each one. In present subjunctives, simple past constructions and imperatives, simple and some compound verbs take the morpheme /bV/ and, when negated, the prefix is replaced by the negative marker. Therefore, the negative structures are asymmetric. Whereas, in prefixal and some other compound verbs, the morpheme /bV/ is not realized and, being negated, the negative prefix is simply added to the verb. Hence, the structure is symmetric. In present progressive, contrary to the past, attaching negative affix to the verb results in some phonological changes, accounting for the structural asymmetry. Regarding paradigms, clausal negation is considered symmetric excluding the constructions containing simple and some compound verbs in simple past and past progressive tenses with the exception of stems ending in a vowel in third-person singular form. Some sentences do not have negative correspondence. To illustrate, negating some wh-questions leads to ungrammatical constructions. Note that these sentences are well-formed as echo questions. However, negative polar questions are considered grammatical. In non-verbal clauses, negative structures and paradigms were represented symmetrically and asymmetrically. In compound sentences, negative marker can be added to the subordinate and/or main clause although the presence of some verbs in the main clause entails changes in the modality of the subordinate clause. The findings regarding non-clausal negation are as follows. In negative reply, although using the negative particle /nǝ/ (no) in response to negative polar questions is grammatical, the positive one /ahǝ/ (yes) seems to be ambiguous. Therefore, as an alternative, the positive correspondence of the verb which is expressed in the question or the word /tʃǝrǝ/ (why) with a falling intonation is used. Furthermore, functions of negative indefinites, according to the semantic map proposed by Haspelmath (1997) include direct negation, indirect negation, and the question function. In negative derivation, a certain category can take different prefixes and one prefix, such as "na-", can attach to various stems. <br /> <br /><strong> 5. Conclusions & Suggestions </strong><br />This study has provided a typological description of clausal and non-clausal negation in Gilaki (Lahijani variety). Standard negation is expressed by the negative marker attaching to the verb of a construction. It is represented symmetrically or asymmetrically, which depends on three factors: a) type of the verb in the construction, b) tense, and c) mood. Other clauses are also negated using the same strategy. However certain clauses, such as some wh-questions, do not have any negative correspondences. In compound sentences, the modality of the subordinate clause is necessarily changed when the negation element is added to certain verbs in the main clause. Regarding non-clausal negation, negative reply, negative indefinites, and negative derivation was described. According to what has been mentioned earlier, the verbs whose negation in the main clause entails changes in the modality of the subordinate clause could be semantically studied in future research. <br /> <br /><strong>Select Bibliography</strong><br />Dahl, Ö. 1979. Typology of sentence negation. <em>Linguistics </em>17: 79-106.<br />Dryer, M. 2013. Position of negative morpheme with respect to subject, object, and verb. In M. Dryer and M. Haspelmath (eds.), <em>World atlas of language structures online</em>. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology.http://wals.info/chapter/144<br />Haspelmath, M. 1997. <em>Indefinite pronouns</em>. Oxford: Oxford University Press.<br />Haspelmath, M. 2005. Negative indefinite pronouns and predicate negation. <em>World atlas of language structures</em>, ed. by Martin Haspelmath, Matthew Dryer, David Gil and Bernard Comrie, 466-469. Oxford: Oxford University Press.<br />Kahrel, P. 1996. <em>Aspects of negation. </em>Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam.<br />Miestamo, M. 2005. <em>Standard negation: The negation of declarative verbal main clauses in a typological perspective</em>. Empirical Approaches to Language Typology 31. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.<br />Miestamo, M. 2007.<em> </em>Negation – An Overview of Typological Research. <em>Language and Linguistics Compass </em>1 (5): 552-570.<br />Miestamo, M. 2016. Questionnaire for describing the negation system of a language. Available online via http://tulquest.huma-num.fr/fr/node/134.<br />Rastorgueva V. S. et al. (2012). <em>The Gilaki Language</em>. English translation editing and extended content by Ronald M. Lockwood. Uppsala: Uppsala University.<br />Van der Auwera, J., and L. Lejeune. 2005. The prohibitive. World atlas of language structures, ed. by Martin Haspelmath, Matthew Dryer, David Gil and Bernard Comrie, 290–3. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.در زبان گیلکی، مطالعۀ جامعی پیرامون «نفی» نشدهاست. در این پژوهش، سعی بر آن است براساس پرسشنامۀ میستامو (2016) نفی در گیلکی گونۀ لاهیجانی توصیف گردد. بدینمنظور، نفی در انواع بند و همچنین نفی غیرِبند مطالعه و ساختهای صوریِ مبیّن هر نقش بهلحاظ تقارن در ساختار و صیغگان توصیف شدهاست. دادهها، علاوهبر بومیبودن نویسندگان، از گفتار روزمرۀ گویشوران بومیِ شهرستان لاهیجان گردآوری شدهاست. مطالعات بینازبانی حاکی است در بسیاری از زبانها، شیوه(ها)ی نفی معیار با برخی بندهای دیگر متفاوت است. درحالیکه، در گیلکیِ لاهیجانی، نفی معیار برای منفیسازیِ انواع بندها بهکار میرود. مطابق یافتههای پژوهش، بندهای حاویِ انواع فعل ساده، پیشوندی و مرکب در زمانها و وجوه مختلف، از حیث تقارن، رفتار متفاوتی نشان میدهند. بهعلاوه، گاهی وجه تمایز یک جملۀ مثبت و متناظرِ منفیِ آن، صرفا ناشی از افزودهشدنِ عنصر نفی نیست و تغییرات دیگری نیز در جمله حاصل میشود، ازجمله جایگزینی وند منفی با تکواژی دیگر یا تغییرات واجی. در اینصورت، ساختار نفی، نامتقارن محسوب میگردد. در نفی غیرِبند، پاسخ منفی، ضمایر مبهم منفی و اشتقاق منفی بررسی میشود.https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_5529_d6f0d5b58d13c1793d645fb3f95c311c.pdfدانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857120220823Nanosyntactic Analysis of Spatial Adpositions in Tatiتحلیل ریزنحوبنیان حروف اضافۀ فضایی در زبان تاتی125146555810.22124/plid.2022.21602.1590FAزهره ساداتناصریاستادیار زبانشناسی، دانشگاه شهید چمران اهواز، اهواز، ایران0000-0003-1470-0078Journal Article20220122This article investigates the spatial adpositions in Tati, analytically and descriptively, according to nanosyntax approach. Based on this approach, terminal nodes in the syntactic structure are smaller than a morpheme, i.e. one morpheme can lexicalize several terminal nodes in a syntactic tree. Tati is a postpositional language. Spatial adpositions are divided into two groups, Lexical adpositions are under the node of Axial Part Phrase and functional adpositions are in Path Phrase and Place Phrase. Based on nanosyntax approach, the syntactic structure of adpositions is [Route [ Source[ Goal[ Place[ Ax Part [KP [DP]]. In Tati, “Goal” is not phonologically expressed. So, the motion verb gives [+orientation] feature to the head of “Goal Phrase” and the morpheme which lexicalizes the head of VP, also lexicalizes the head of Goal P. The adposition for “Place”, “Source” and “Route” is -a(da). One of the principles of nanosyntax is superset principle which determines syncretism in morphemes. In Tati, the syncretism pattern is Goal≠Place=Source, which is a rare pattern among the world languages.<br /> <br /><strong>Extended Abstract</strong><br /><strong> 1. Introduction</strong><br />The nanosyntax approach was first introduced by Stark (2009). This approach is based on the results of Minimalism in which final nodes in syntactic structures are smaller than a single morpheme. This is why this theory is called "nanosyntax". In syntactic structures, lexicalization is a post-syntactic operation, and a single morpheme can lexicalize several terminal nodes in a tree diagram. One of the functions of this approach is decomposition of prepositions. Prepositions in Persian are divided into two categories according to the existence of “Ezafe”. The first group includes prepositions which are never accompanied by Ezafe. The second group includes prepositions which are accompanied by Ezafe and are divided into two subgroups: prepositions in which the use of Ezafe is optional, and prepositions in which the use of the Ezafe is mandatory. Spatial adpositions are those which indicate “Place” and “Path”. <br />Among the researches that have studied prepositions in Iranian languages based on anosyntax approach, we can mention Dabir Moghaddam and Naseri (2017) and Moradi et al. (2009). Among the works that have studied prepositions in different languages based on the nanosyntax, we can mention Pantcheva (2006, 2009, and 2011) and Svenonius (2006, 2009, and 2012). Yarshater (1969) and Taheri (2009) are among the works that have studied adpositions in Tati.<br />In this article, spatial adpositions in Tati are examined based on nanosyntax approach, and two important questions are tried to be answered: “how effective the nanosyntax approach can be in decomposing the prepositional phrase in Tati?”, and “what is the pattern of syncretism in spatial adpositions in this language?”<br /> <br /><strong> 2. Theoretical Framework</strong><br />In nanosyntax, lexical prepositions are represented by Axial Part Phrase, and functional prepositions are in the head of Place P and Path P. Path is divided into Goal, Source and Route, which are called “Path expressions”. The head of Path phrase dominates Place phrase and its Source and Goal phrases. The idea of the dominance of Path phrase over Place phrase is derived from languages in which Source and Goal expressions is morphologically contained in a “Place expression”. Also, based on data from Avar and several other languages, now it is known that the “Route expression”, morphologically includes “Source expression”. Therefore, decomposition of the Prepositional phrase is [Route[ Source [Goal[ Place[Axial Part[DP]]]]]]. These structures are universal, that is, in all languages, Source phrase is dominated Goal phrase, even in languages where this is not morphologically clear. The same is true of Route phrase. One of the results of nanosyntax is superset principle, according to which a lexical element can spell out more than one syntactic structure. This indicates the existence of syncretism in morphemes.<br /> <br /><strong>3. Methodology</strong><br />The present research is descriptive-analytical and has been done through documentary and field methods. Regarding the field method, 10 informants living in Takestan in the age group of 30 to 60 years ,with primary to bachelor education, were interviewed.<br /> <br /><strong> 4. Results & Discussion</strong><br />In Tati, most spatial expressions are post-positions, so there is only one preposition (tâ "to"). Post-positions are divided into two categories, depending on whether they are lexical or functional, as well as if they get oblique case. Functional prepositions are group 1 prepositions and lexical prepositions are group 2 prepositions. Place is lexicalized by two post-positions "-a" and "-da". Also, since the oblique case are indicated by "-e" and Place head<sub>1</sub> is represented by -e / -a, it becomes difficult to distinguish between the two, and in fact they become one.<br />(1) doktor azire engâ de ve <br /> doctor yesterday here (Oblique case) in was <br />Examining considerable data from participants, as well as from Tati language sources, it was concluded that Source expression in this language is not lexically represented.<br />(2) a mešem dânešgâh <br /> I go university<br />Also, Source expression is lexicalized by two post-positions “-a” and “-da”, which sometimes may be represented as "-e (de)". Therefore, like Place head, one concept is lexicalized by two morphemes. In tree diagrams, there are two Source heads, each lexicalized by one post-position. But the head of Source phrase<sub>1</sub> merges with the symbol of the oblique case and seems not to have a phonetic representation.<br />(3) ketâb=em mez-e sar-a ogo<br /> book=I table-Ezafe top-from took<br />In the case of the syncretism pattern in this language, both Route and Source heads are lexicalized by two "-a (da)". On the other hand, Source and Place heads are shown with the same post-positions. Even the optional deletion of the "-da" is the same in the Route, Source and Place phrases. Therefore, the pattern of syncretism in Tati is Goal ≠ place = Source = Route.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>5. Conclusions & Suggestions</strong><br />Based on nanosyntax approach, the decomposition of Prepositional phrase in this language is [Route[ Source [Goal[ Place[Axial Part [ Kase[DP]]]]]]]. Because the head of Goal phrase has no phonetic representation, the motion verb gives the feature of [+ direction] to Goal head, and the morpheme which lexicalizes the head of VP actually lexicalizes the head of Goal phrase as well. Place, Goal and Source expressions are lexicalized by "-a (da)". Since these concepts are represented by two post-positions, they have two heads, based on the nanosyntax, and the second head, "da", is omitted when the head of Axial Part phrase is absent.<br /> <br /><strong>Select Bibliography</strong><br />Dabir Moghaddam, M. 2013. <em>Typology of Iranian Language. </em>SAMT. [In Persian]<br />Dabir Moghaddam, M & Naseri, Z.S. 2018. “On the omission of Place and Goal markers in Persian: Nanosyntax theory”. <em>Comparative Linguistic Research. </em>7(14): 1-22. [In Persian]<br />Koopman, H. 2000. “Prepositions, Postpositions, Circumposition, and Particles”. <em>The Syntax of Specifiers and Heads</em>, edited by Hilda Koopman, 204-260. Routledge, London.<br />Pantcheva, M. 2006. “Persian Preposition Classes”. <em>Tromsø Working Papers on Language and Linguistics: Nordlyd 33.1. Special issues on Adpositions. </em>Edited by Peter Svanonius, 1-25. University of Tromsø.<br />Pantcheva, M. 2009. “Directional Expressions Cross-linguistically: Nanosyntax and Lexicalization”. Nordlyd 36.1, <em>Special Issue on Nanosyntax.</em> 7-39. CASTL. University of Tromsø.<br />Pantcheva, M . 2011. <em>Decomposing Path: The Nanosyntax of Directional Expressions</em>. Ph.D Thesis. University of Tromsø.<br />Starke, M. 2009. Nanosyntax: “A short primer to a new approach to language”. In <em>Nordlyd 36.1, Special Issue on Nanosyntax</em>. 1-6. CASTL. University of Tromsø. Available at www.ub.uit.no/munin/nordlyd.<br />Svenonius. P<em>.</em> 2012. “Structural Decomposition of Spatial Adpositions”. <em>The Meaning of P</em>. Ruhr University of Bochum.<br />Taheri, A. 2009. <em>A Study of Tati Dialect of Takestan</em>. Sâl Publicatin. [In Persian]<br />Yar-Shater, E. 1969. <em>A Grammar of Southern Tati Dialect.</em> Mouton.<strong> </strong>پژوهش حاضر به شیوة تحلیلی-توصیفی به بررسی حروفاضافۀ فضایی در زبان تاتی براساس رویکرد ریزنحو میپردازد. در این رویکرد، گرههای پایانی در ساختهای نحوی کوچکتر و ریزتر از یک تکواژ هستند و به عبارتی، چندین پایانه میتواند با یک تکواژ در نمودار درختی نمایانده شود. تاتی زبانی پساضافهای است. حروفاضافۀ فضایی به دو دسته تقسیم میشود، حروفاضافة واژگانی با گروه جزءمحوری نمایانده میشود و حروفاضافة نقشی در دو هستة مکان و مسیر قرار میگیرد. براساس رویکرد ریزنحو، تجزیۀ گروه حرفاضافهای به صورت] گذر]مبدأ] مقصد] مکان]جزءمحوری]گروهحالت]گروهحرفتعریف[[[[[[[[ انجام میگیرد. در این زبان مسیرنمای مقصد در اکثر موارد نمود آوایی ندارد. برهمیناساس، فعل حرکتی مؤلفة ]+جهتی[ را به هستۀ مقصد اعطا میکند و تکواژی که هستۀ فعل را واژگانی میکند درواقع هستۀ مقصد را نیز واژگانی میکند. مکاننما، مسیرنمای مبدأ و گذر با پساضافۀ -a (da) صورتبندی میشود. یکی از اصول ریزنحو، اصل فرامجموعه است که بیانکنندۀ وجود همتابینی در تکواژهاست. الگوی همتابینی در این زبان به صورت «مقصد≠ مکان= مبدأ= گذر» و از جمله الگوهایی است که در میان زبانهای دنیا نادر است.https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_5558_f59cea052239c4a79b1377d19ec6291b.pdfدانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857120220823The event structure of prefixal verbs in Kurmanji Kurdish of Gilanساخت رویداد افعال پیشوندی در کردی کرمانجی گیلان147171598110.22124/plid.2022.22691.1611FAایرانزمانی سیبنیدانش آموخته کارشناسی ارشد زبان شناسی، دانشگاه بین المللی امام خمینی، قزوین، ایران0000-0003-4334-4623روح اللهمفیدیاستادیار زبان شناسی، دانشگاه بین المللی امام خمینی، قزوین، ایران0000-0002-9966-0580Journal Article20220722This paper investigates the event structure of prefixal verbs in Kurmanji Kurdish of Rudbar (located in the south of Gilan province) and discusses the interpretational contribution of derivational prefixes to the event structure of these prefixal verbs. The research data has been gathered by means of interviewing a number of native speakers in the region and the oral fulfillment of a questionnaire. The findings show that derivational prefixes mostly denote a <em>directional concept</em> and make a motion verb. As a consequence, a punctual interpretation is typically developed in their instances, unless the linguistic or situational context triggers an accomplishment (i.e. telic and durative) event type. In the data corpus of this research, only a few stative verbs were found, and we could detect no prefixal verb in the activity event type. Therefore, the prefixal verbs of the Kurmanji of Gilan can exclusively express the three event types of state, achievement and accomplishment in their various meanings. These observations (the dominance of punctual interpretation and the absence of activity events) are probably in line with the typical meaning of prefixal verbs, i.e. the directional movement.
<strong>Extended abstract</strong>
<strong> 1. </strong><strong>Introduction</strong>
This paper examines prefixal verbs in Kurmanji Kurdish of Gilan and attempts to determine the meaning of derived prefixes in these verbs in the framework of the features investigated in event structure studies. In other words, the main problem of the research is the role of these prefixes in determining the event type and how this event type interacts with other sentential elements (especially direct and indirect objects and adverbs). Prefixal verbs in Iranian languages are the result of combining derivational prefixes with simple verbs. Kurmanji belongs to the northern sub-branch of Kurdish, and the Kurmanji Kurds of Southern Gilan settled down in the mountainous areas of this region as a result of two consequent movements at the time of the Safavid king Shah-Abbas and the Afshari king Nader-Shah.
<strong> 2. </strong><strong>Theoretical framework</strong>
Vendler (1957; reprinted 1967) classifies verbs based on <em>time schemes</em>, or more linguistically speaking, according to the temporal characteristics of verbs. In his original framework, the distinctions are made among the verbs in terms of characteristics such as being stative or process, bounded or unbounded, and durative or punctual. However, these differences cannot be explained in terms of the concept of <em>time</em> exclusively, and other factors like the presence or absence of objects, conditions of occurrence, and situation influence the event type. In general, based on the characteristic of (a)telicity and also its duration (the ability to extend the event on the time axis), the event types can be classified in four groups: state, activity, accomplishment and achievement.
<strong> 3. </strong><strong>Methodology</strong>
The data collection method of this research was a combination of library methods and fieldwork. First, by examining the grammars and available sources on different varieties of Kurmanji Kurdish, a list of prefixal verbs of these varieties was extracted, and based on this list, a questionnaire including 220 sentences was designed. Then, the Kurdish prefixal verbs of Kurmanji of Gilan were collected and recorded through interviews with native speakers of the Rudbar region. Most of the interviews were conducted with five speakers (one woman and four men), all of whom were born and lived in the village of Sibon (Khorgam district, Rudbar city, south of Gilan province) and their education ranged from primary school to associate degree. In the interview sessions, the speakers were asked to produce the questionnaire sentences in their own variety. If the speakers did not use prefixal verbs while translating the sentences, they were asked whether the prefixal verb in question (common in one of the Kurmanji varieties) is used in the Gilan variety, and their judgments were recorded. In total, the data corpus of this research amounts to 22 hours of recorded data from five main speakers and a number of others.
<strong> 4. </strong><strong>Results & discussion</strong>
In the data corpus of this research (the Kurmanji Kurdish of Gilan), at least 7 derivational prefixes were found which combined with the simple verbs, including <em>væ-</em>, <em>hel-</em>, <em>ra-</em>, <em>ti-</em>, <em>ru-</em>, <em>li-</em> and <em>dæ-/de-/da-</em>. Altogether, 20 prefixal verbs are made with these prefixes, including <em>væ-gærin</em> (‘to go back’), <em>væ-gæranden</em> (‘to return [something]’), <em>væ-šarten </em>(‘to hide’), <em>væ-ræšin</em> (‘to vomit’), <em>væ-ǰæneqin</em> (‘to fit’), <em>hel-anin</em> (‘to pick up’), <em>hel-keren</em> (‘to uproot’), <em>hel-čenin</em> (‘to collect’), <em>hel-dayin </em>(‘to lift’), <em>hel-ferin</em> (‘to jump out [of sleep]’), <em>ra-kæten</em> (‘to sleep’), <em>ra-buyin</em> (‘to stand up’), <em>ti-kæten</em> (‘to fall into’), <em>ti-keren</em> (‘to put in’), <em>ru-nešten</em> (‘to sit’), <em>li-xesten</em> (‘to hit’), <em>da-keren</em> (‘to bring down’), <em>da-kæten</em> (‘to get off’), <em>de-xesten</em> (‘to pull down’), <em>væ-dæ-xesten</em> (‘to take out’).
These verbs can be classified in three event types of stative, accomplishment, and achievement, and we could not detect any example of activity verbs among these prefixal verbs. As exemplified in the paper, either the prefix is responsible for the development of the event type, or the simple verb, or other sentential or situational elements. For example, if the direct object is an incremental theme, the resulted event will be an accomplishment. Furthermore, if the pragmatic nature of the object requires some time to be undergone by the action, this will also lead to the formation of an accomplishment.
<strong> 5. </strong><strong>Conclusions</strong><strong> </strong><strong>& suggestions</strong>
Out of the seven derivational prefixes which were introduced, five of them have <em>directional meaning</em>, at least in some of their meanings: <em>væ-</em> (back), <em>hel-</em> (upward), <em>ra-</em> (up/forward), <em>ti-</em> (in) and <em>dæ-/de-/da-</em> (downwards). In these examples, an achievement is usually developed, unless the linguistic or situational context motivates an accomplishment interpretation. Therefore, the achievement interpretation is the most dominant event interpretation for the prefixal verbs under investigation. The reason for this dominance is probably the nature of <em>moving in a specified direction</em>, which requires spending physical energy and occurs in the shortest possible time. The absence of activities in prefixal verbs can also be related to this explanation. On the other hand, in some of the meanings of the above-mentioned five directional prefixes, as well as in the examples of the prefixes <em>ru-</em> and <em>li-</em>, apparently a stronger semantic link has been established between the prefix and the verbal element, and in fact, a higher degree of lexicalization has occurred in the entire prefixal verb. As a result, in these examples, the semantic contribution of the prefix and the verbal element cannot be separated, and the contribution of the prefix to the event interpretation cannot be determined either.
<strong>Select</strong><strong> </strong><strong>bibliography</strong><strong> </strong>
Bahrami-Khorshid, S. & A. Namdari. 2019. “The study of prefixed verbs in Persian within the framework of construction morphology”. <em>Journal of Western Iranian Languages and Dialects</em>, 7(25): 35-55. [In Persian].
Cheraqi, Z. & Gh. H. Karimi-Doostan, 2014. “Classification of Persian verbs based on Event and Aspectual”. <em>Research in Linguistics</em>, 4(2): 41-60. [In Persian]<em> </em>
Gündoğdu, S. 2015. “Noun-verb complex predicates in Kurmanji Kurdish: A syntactic account”, <em>Proceedings of ConSole XXIII</em>, 279-301.
Mehrbakhsh, I. 2014. <em>A study of morphology, </em><em>syntax and semantics of complex<strong> </strong>verbs in Kurmanji Kurdish</em>. M.A thesis in Linguistics, Payame Noor University.
Mofidi, R. 2011. <em>Event structure and its determinants in Persian</em>. PhD Thesis in linguistics, Tarbiat Modarres University. [In Persian]
Mofidi, R. 2017. “The transitive-intransitive distinction for Persian simple verbs from an event structure perspective”. In M. R. Razavi & M. Sanaati (eds.), <em>Essays in linguistics: A festschrift for Mohammad Dabir-Moghaddam</em>, 315-345. Tehran: Ketab-e Bahar. [In Persian].
Rothstein, S. D. 2004. <em>Structuring events: A study in the semantics of lexical events</em>. Cornwall: Blackwell Publishing.
Vendler, Z. 1957. “Verbs and times”. <em>The Philosophical Review</em>, 66: 143-60. Reprinted in: 1967. <em>Linguistics in philosophy</em>. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press.
Zamani Siboni, I. 2021. <em>The event structure of prefixal verbs in Kurmanji Kurdish of Roudbar</em>, MA thesis in linguistics, Imam Khomeini International University. [In Persian].
Zarei, S. 2018. <em>The study of compounds and prefix verbs of Kurdish language (Kalhori dialect), relying on contemporary literary works</em>, MA thesis in linguistics, Ilam University. [In Persian].<strong> </strong>این مقاله با بررسی افعال پیشوندی در کردی کرمانجی رودبار (جنوب استان گیلان)، دربارۀ خوانش رویدادیِ این افعال و سهم پیشوندهای اشتقاقی در شکلگیری ساخت رویداد بحث میکند. دادههای پژوهش در مصاحبه با تعدادی گویشور بومی و اجرای شفاهی پرسشنامه گردآوری شد. یافتهها حاکی از آن است که پیشوندهای اشتقاقی غالبا «مفهوم جهتی» دارند و یک فعل حرکتی میسازند. در این نمونهها، معمولا خوانش لحظهای ایجاد میشود؛ مگر آنکه بافت زبانی یا موقعیتی باعث ایجاد رویداد تحققی (هدفمند و دارای قابلیت دیرش) شود. از سوی دیگر، فقط تعداد اندکی فعل ایستا در نمونههای افعال پیشوندی مشاهده شد و هیچ فعل پیشوندی با خوانش فعالیت یافت نگردید. بنابراین، افعال پیشوندی در کردی کرمانجی گیلان میتوانند در معناهای مختلف خود فقط سه گونۀ رویداد ایستا، حصولی و تحققی را بیان کنند. این مشاهدات (غلبۀ خوانش لحظهای و غیاب رویدادهای فعالیت) احتمالا همسو با معنای غالب در افعال پیشوندی یعنی «حرکتِ جهتدار» است.https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_5981_27c9f21c797f563025c44a60c53aa931.pdfدانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857120220823A linguistic study and Analysis of the Position of Women in Persian Proverbs from the Perspective of Naturalizationتحلیل و بررسی زبانی جایگاه زن در ضربالمثلهای فارسی از منظر طبیعیسازی173202602610.22124/plid.2022.22653.1610FAمعصومهغیوریاستادیار زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایران0000000315766781سپیدهاصلاحیدانشآموخته کارشناسی ارشد زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایرانJournal Article20220728Proverbs are a part of concise and selective prose in Persian literature, which, in addition to reflecting customs, habits, beliefs and dominant ideologies and society's culture as a whole, are very common and influential due to their narrative structure and form. This research has been done with a focus on, and critical reading of the collection of proverbs of <em>Bahmanyari's</em> proverbs and <em>The Great dictionary of Persian Proverbs</em>, and the analytical approach of the research is based on <em>cognitive linguistics</em> and <em>discourse analysis</em>. In this review, we tried to show how false beliefs about the position of women in the family and society have been formed and naturalized. This attitude aggravates the male/female binaries in patriarchal society and, in addition, it gives value to this opposition and binary. The value that provokes the superior/inferior binary. The damage of such a valuative view becomes apparent when it appears axiomatic and natural and its acceptance becomes not only axiomatic but also a standard for measuring behavior according to the norm and common sense and no one should have doubts about its incorrectness, unnaturalness and unnecessariness. Among the types of speech acts and rhetorical forms, proverbs as accepted speech acts make the naturalization process of this transcendental attitude more obvious. Beliefs such as women's unfaithfulness and lack of secrecy, their inferiority and lack of intellect, being watchful for opportunities to show off, being made only to serve in the kitchen, having children and being responsible for raising them, the need for external beauty as an obligatory thing for them and the need early marriage for girls and many other cases that the process of their reproduction and naturalization are studied and revised in this subject.<br /> <br /><strong>Extended abstract</strong><br /><strong> 1. </strong><strong>Introduction</strong><br />As an essential and rich part of reflecting cultural components, proverbs have always been central to the various fields of cultural studies. Proverbs, while being concise in a linguistic context, convey a wider field of meaningful and conceptual references whose semantic understanding is undoubtedly dependent on the knowledge of the culture that produced them. In defining the concept of culture based on Kroeber's and Clyde Clarke Hohn's six-fold division, which includes almost multiple semantic and implicit inclusions of culture and various theoretical perspectives. It can be understood that culture is an interwoven set of cognitions that are transferred from one generation to another, whether consciously and voluntarily or unconsciously, and forcibly; they build and maintain the intellectual infrastructure of society. They can also recruit people from the community and control it. It can also be added that regardless of its essence and nature, the function of culture is identity-creating, obligatory, organized, and progressive. The progressive perception of culture is an idea that is related to longitudinal and linear definitions of time and history.<br />Folkloric, folk or popular, is a manifestation of elitist, progressive and transcendental understanding of culture and its function. Folkloric means the culture of the people literally, a culture that is not created by people but is created for them by the culture-creating industries and suggests to them that this is their culture. Therefore, one of the policies of paying attention to the studies of popular culture can be to try to "find the voice of the people, interpret its meaning and strengthen its cultural importance, which of course is a valuable perspective to the studies. Popular culture can also mean controlling the mass of people and directing their desires and wishes to satisfy the interests of those in power and the ruling ideology.<br />Although there are expanding studies about women, their situation in various fields of society is still problematic and can be discussed and criticized, but we should not neglect the critical view that the universality of theories is neither definitive nor mandatory. Therefore, it is necessary to research women's studies and related theories based on culture, history, and language, and regarding different societies and nations. In this article, by referring to the folkloric and examining proverbs as the linguistic expression of this aspect of culture, we attempt to research the process of femininity and sexual identification by focusing on culture as a concoction and “the Real”.<br /> <br /><strong> 2. </strong><strong>Theoretical framework</strong><br />In this article, we try to analyze the principles of the discourse structuring of proverbs in the context of social and cultural references by examining linguistic methods and actions. For this study, first, by describing the main terms of the research, we will analyze their expressions in the text of proverbs, then we will present a discourse analysis by integrating the essential components of cognitive linguistics. The main question and problem of the research is that how proverbs, as concise phrases and as one of the most practical methods of indirect transmission of message and meaning, accelerate the process of naturalization and consolidation of unnatural meaning? And, how can we criticize and analyze the ideologizing and ideology continuation of masculine desire by discourse analysis of proverbs?<br /> <br /><strong> 3. </strong><strong>Methodology</strong><br />The research method in this article creates a junction between the categories and concepts of cognitive linguistics and discourse analysis to show the concept of acculturation of language functions. Therefore, the research method is mainly based on the patterns of critical discourse analysis, especially the sociological criticism of this type of analysis. Of course, the cognitive aspect of the research is based on specific virtual, ironic and metaphoric functions of proverbs. Acculturation means believability, automated continuity, and getting hegemonic of the dominant discourse ideology.<br /> <br /><strong> 4. </strong><strong>Results & Discussion</strong><br />The selection and collection of proverbs will be based on two books of proverbs, <em>Dastannameh Bahmaniari</em> and <em>Encyclopedia of Persian Proverbs, </em>and the extraction of proverbs will be based on explicit or implicit signs referring to femininity. In the process of naturalizing gendered themes, some gendered words and expressions do not directly refer to gender in the place of metonymic and ironic usage. However, they reduce the value of the actions of the female gender, the class base, and the position of female agency and subjectivity; they induce and produce a kind of surplus, double and implicit meaning about this gender. By comparing this group of proverbs and their content, it can be seen that women are often referred to as mothers, nannies, housemaids, kitchen maids, maids, young and inexperienced daughters/ bridesmaids, old women, someone's daughter, maidservants, someone’s family, etc., all of which have been represented as value-setting views. And additional meanings such as unfaithfulness, worthlessness, the necessity of sacrifice in the position of a wife, mother, and daughter and in general to a man, such words and lack of secrecy, the necessity of marriage, being deficient in intellect, showing off, etc., as the semantic correlates of the word "woman" are added to it, and as a result a sociolinguistic identity is created for woman based on these distorted stereotypes around the gender structured socially for them.<br /> <br /><strong> 5. </strong><strong>Conclusions & Suggestions</strong><br />In the results obtained from the analysis, attention was paid to these points: firstly, the process of naturalization creates a kind of "generalization" and "replacement." Generalization is expanding fields of use of a word or phrase, as well expanding fields of coded semantics and conceptualization, from "private domain" to "public domain." In addition, the meaning of "replacement" is a kind of semantic permutation, practical, and conceptual substitution of words and phrases that are used in unfamiliar places instead of referring to common meanings and examples, but this "unusuality" is accepted by the discoursal techniques of naturalization and hegemony. Because of this, proverbs have been chosen as concise phrases to show how the linguistic context of these types of expressions is highly effective in accelerating the two processes of generalization and replacement.<br /> <br /><strong>Select Bibliography</strong><br />Abbot, P. & Wallace, C. 1997. <em>An Introduction to Sociology Feminist Perspectives</em>, Trans. Maryam Khorasani & Hamid Ahmadi. Tehran: Donyaye madar. [In Persian]<br />Berger, A. A. 2019. <em>Applied Discourse Analysis Culture: Media, and Everyday Life. </em>Trans. Hossain Payandeh. Tehran: Morvarid. [In Persian]<br />Barcelona, A. 2011. <em>Metaphor and Metonymy at the Crossroads: a cognitive perspective</em>, Trans. Farzan Sojoodi & et al. Tehran: Naghshe jahan. [In Persian]<br />Bahmanyar, A. 2002. <em>Dastanname-y-Bahmanyari</em>, Tehran: University of Tehran. [In Persian]<br />Hart, C. 2019. <em>Critical discourse analysis and cognitive science: New perspectives on immigration discourse</em>, Trans. Masud Dehghan & et al. Tehran: Nevise-e-Parsi. [In Persian]<br />Lakoff, R. T. 2020. <em>Language and woman’s place: text and commentaries</em>, Trans. Maryam Khodadadi & Yaser Poresmaeel. Teran: Negah. [In Persian]<br />Lakoff, G. & Johnson, M. 2015. <em>Metaphors we live by</em>, Tehran: Elm. [In Persian]<br />Mohamadi asl, A. 2017. <em>Social constructivism of gender</em>, Tehran: Golazin. [In Persian]<br />Van Dijk, Teun A. 2021. <em>Society and Discourse: How Social Contexts Influence Text and Talk</em>, Trans. Taher Asgharpor. Tehran: Negahe Moaser. [In Persian]<br />Zolfaghari, H. 2009. <em>Encyclopedia of Persian Proverbs</em>, 2vol. Tehran: Moein. [In Persian]<strong> </strong>ضربالمثلها بخشی از نثر موجز و گزینگویهها در ادبیات فارسی هستند که علاوهبر بازتاب فرهنگ جامعه به دلیل ساختار و فرم رواییشان بسیار رایج و تاثیرگذارند. این تحقیق با خوانش انتقادی از مجموعه ضربالمثلهای <em>داستاننامة بهمنیاری</em> و <em>فرهنگ بزرگ ضربالمثلهای فارسی</em> با رویکرد زبانشناسی شناختی و تحلیل گفتمان، کوشیدهاست نگرش طبیعیسازی باورهای نادرست در شکلگیری جایگاه زن در خانواده و جامعه را نشان دهد. تشدید نگرش دو قطبی مرد/ زن در جامعۀ مردسالار با بار ارزشی، به دوگانگی فرادست/ فرودست دامن میزند. آسیب چنین نگاهی با پذیرش بدیهی و طبیعی آن، زمانی بیشتر نمایان میشود که معیاری برای سنجش رفتار بههنجار و عقل سلیم عرفی شود و کسی درمورد نادرستی و غیرطبیعی بودن آن تردید نکند. از میان انواع کنشهای گفتاری و فرمهای بیانی، ضربالمثلها بهعنوان کنش گفتمانی پذیرفتهشده، فرایند طبیعیسازی این نگرش استعلایی را بدیهیتر جلوه میدهند. باورهایی چون بیوفایی و عدم رازداری زنان، حقیر و ناقصعقل بودن آنان، مترصد فرصت بودن برای خودنمایی، ساخته شدن آنها تنها برای خدمت در مطبخ، فرزندآوری و مسئولیت بزرگ کردن آنان، لزوم زیبایی ظاهری بهعنوان امری واجب برای زن و لزوم زود به خانۀ بخت فرستادندن دختران و موارد متعدد دیگر که در مقاله حاضر فرایند بازتولید و طبیعیسازیشان بررسی و بازبینی میگردد.https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_6026_6cd4c75b1cad89cf5e4692d372b0c4d4.pdfدانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857120220823Language Distribution in Markazi Provinceپراکندگی زبانی در استان مرکزی203216625710.22124/plid.2023.22965.1615FAذبیح الهکمیجانی بزچلوییدانشجوی دکتری زبان شناسی, گروه آموزش زبان انگلیسی و زبان شناسی ،واحد کرمانشاه، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، کرمانشاه، ایرانمریم ساداتغیاثیاندانشیار گروه زبانشناسی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران0000-0002-2707-8225مرتضیطاهری اردلیاستادیار زبانشناسی، گروه زبان انگلیسی و پژوهشکدۀ بختیاریشناسی دانشگاه شهرکرد، شهرکرد، ایران.0000000212606128Journal Article20220920Markazi province is located in the center of Iran with 1.8% of the area of Iran and approximately 1% of the Iran population. In this research, based on the instructions of the “Atlas of the Languages of Iran (ALI)”, the language distribution and the approximate percentage of the speakers of Markazi province were obtained. The results show that the local Persian language (Persian with an accent, for example, Araki Persian), standard Persian, Turkish group, Luri, Raji, Khalaji group and South Tati language group (including: Vafsi, Alviri, Kahaki, Vidari), Lakki and Kurdish have the most speakers in the province respectively. Vafsi, Kohki, Amrei, Raji, Alviri, Vidari languages are among the most endangered languages. Laki, Kurdish and Lori languages are local languages whose speakers have migrated to this province from other regions of the country, due to the industrial hub of Markazi Province. Statistical results of the research show that in Markazi province, speakers of the local Persian varieties include around 42.33%, speakers of standard Persian include around 33.11%, speakers of Turkish group around 14.36%, speakers of Lori group around 4.49%, speakers of mixed languages around 3.06%, speakers of Raji around 1.81%, speakers of Khalaji around 0.450%, speakers of South Tati language around 0.287 %, speakers of Laki of Kermanshah around 0.10%, and speakers of Kurdish around 0.003%, of the population of the province.<br /> <br /><strong>Extended Abstract:</strong><br /><strong>1. Introduction</strong><br />Languages and dialects as social phenomena play a significant role in human life, so that the communicative role of language has caused the growth and development of human societies. Therefore, today, study, survey and research on culture and national identity is one of the basic needs of the development of every country. In this regard, human societies need linguistic maps, atlases, corpus data prepared on the basis of systematic methodology to documentation and record of existing language varieties. “Linguistic maps can be either display or interpretive”. The current research is also based on the methodology of “Atlas of the Languages of Iran (ALI)”, in order to identify and record the language varieties in Markazi Province systematically. ALI is a project that is building an atlas of the languages of Iran in collaboration with Carleton University of Canada, Leiden University of Holland, Bamberg University of Germany, Shahrekord University, Persian Gulf University, Razi University and Alexander Von Humboldt- Stiftung/ Foundation of Germany. There has been no such a comprehensive research, with a specific goal and a coherent and continuous activity on languages of Iran. Several researches have been done on the linguistic characteristics of the Markazi province, which can be mentioned as follows: Stillo (1981, 1971) presented a multiple classification of the Tati language based on the criteria of geographical proximity, linguistic and racial characteristics. He considered Tati as a language group and the subgroup that is related to the topic of the present research is the South Tati language, which according to the classification of Yarshater (1962, 1964 cited in Stillo 1981:140-141) includes "dialects in Ramand region of Qazvin (Takestan), common dialects in Eshthard, Alvir and Vidar dialects near Saveh, and Vafs dialect in Arak. Other researchers such as, Shariat (2010), Safari (2003), Adelkhani (2002), Kia (1957), Moghadam (1950), have also conducted researches in some linguistic groups of the Markazi province, which are often in the form of field collection of words, idioms, proverbs, phonetic, phonemic, morphemic and syntactic characteristics. The importance of this research will be in completing the information of the ALI website in the language distribution section in Markazi Province, being done with this methodology for the first time. Of course, it should be acknowledged that previous studies regarding language distribution has helped researchers in doing this project. For instance, Moghadam’s research is important as it is one of the first works done in language distribution in Markazi Province. He named the linguistic varieties of the province as dialects and divided them into the following four categories: "1- the dialects of Vafs, Ashtian, Tafresh and Amore, 2- the dialect of the nomads of Zand, 3- the dialect of the Gypsies, and 4- the dialects of Khalaj and Turkic". Desme-Gregoire and Fontaine (1991) also point to the spread of Turkish language in Markazi Province and in areas such as Rudbar-Tafresh, some villages in Farahan, Arak, Shazand and Komijan; They mention Raji or Rayeji language used in Dilijan and Mahalat; They also discuss the distribution of Tati language as follows: Vafsi language is common in Komijan, Alwiri in Zarandiyeh, and Kahaki in Tafresh, Chehragani and Vafsi are common in the west and south of Hamedan province.<br />The purpose of the current research is to investigate the language distribution of Markazi Province, and the results of the collected data are presented as an estimate of the proportion of speakers in every spoken language as a mother tongue. In order to achieve this goal, researchers have tried to answer the following questions: “In each of the settlements of Markazi Province, what languages and their sub-varieties are spoken as mother tongue?” “What percentage of language varieties are spoken in Markazi province?” “What are the local pronunciations for the names of each of the settlements in Markazi Province?” Today, the official names of places are mentioned on road signs, geographical maps, conversations, official newspapers, and letters from official and unofficial institutions. Finding the local pronunciation or toponymy of each village helps to investigate local languages. As the present research was performed in the framework of ALI’s online research program, the questionnaires are derived from ALI’s website, the raw data will be interpreted based on the Nonalite software, Language distribution maps of Markazi province will be available and presented online in the form of interactive maps.<br /> <br /><strong> 2. </strong><strong>Methodology</strong><br />The current research has proceeded step by step based on the methodology determined in ALI. First, a list of all settlements in Markazi province, including cities and villages as provincial sub-district, were downloaded from the website of Iranian Statistic Centre in the Excel file format; Then, Along with the Persian names of the settlements, their official names in Latin in one column and their local pronunciation in another column were transcribed based on the principles of ALI’s transcription. Finally, based on the list of settlements, the language or varieties of language that are common in each settlement and the approximate number of speakers who speak that language among the entire settlement were determined. It should be mentioned that the pronunciations of the local names of the settlements were asked from the speakers who were fluent in the native language of that region. Then the residents of the area were asked what language they speak and what they call it in the local language. In the case of multilingual settlements, the estimated percentage of native speakers of each language variety was calculated. In addition to the local residents, the ones who were interested in language issues like teachers, or who were familiar with languages of the region like peddlers who were always traveling between settlements or members of village council were asked to estimate the speakers of each language variety.<br /> <br /><strong> 3. </strong><strong>Result and Discussion</strong><br /> Most of the settlements in Markazi province speak local Farsi, standard Farsi and Turkish respectively. The approximate percentage of speakers is provided based on the population of the settlements, and about 78% is estimated for the Persian language (standard and local), and Arak, Saveh, Shazand, Khomein, and Mahalat respectively have the highest number of Persian speakers; Then there are Turkish speakers with 15%; After them, Lori, Raji, Khalaji and South Tati have the most speakers in the province; and Ashtiani dialect is among the endangered and extinct languages of the province.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong> 4. </strong><strong>Conclusions and suggestions </strong><br />The results showed that the largest number of speakers of languages in Markazi province belong to two language groups: Farsi (standard and local) and Turkish. Speakers of languages of Lori, Raji. Khalaji, Tati and then Kurdish and Laki are in the next phase. It can be said that the distribution of bilinguals in the province is more than monolinguals. Some factors such as: migration, forced displacement and changes caused by the political and geographical borders of the province that have brought together different ethnic groups are the main causes of the distribution of bilinguals. The study of language distribution in the provinces of Isfahan, Lorestan, Qazvin, Qom and Hamedan, which is on the agenda of ALI, will surely help the knowledge of the language in Markazi province.<br /> <br /><strong>Select Bibliography</strong><br />Adelkhani, H. 2001. <em>Accent, Grammar and Dialect of Ashtian</em>. Arak: Payame Digar<br />Chambers, J. K., & Trudgill, P. 1998. <em>Dialectology</em>. Cambridge University Press.<br />Desmet Gregoire, H. and Fontaine, P. 1991. <em>Demographic Map of Arak and Hamedan</em>. Translated by A. A. Karimi. First Edition. Mashhad: Astane Ghods Publication. [in Peesian]<br />Kia, M. S. 1956. <em>Ashtian Dialect</em>. First Volume. Tehran University. [in Persian]<br />Moghadam, M. 1949. “Vafs, Ashtian and Tafresh Dialects”. <em>Iran Kudeh</em>, 11: 9-184<br />Sabzalipoor, J. 2017. “Toponymy in Khalkhāl's Tāti Speakers regions”. <em>Persian Language and Iran Dialects,</em><em> </em>2 (1): 163-184. [in Persian]<br />Safari, H. 2003. <em>Raji Glossary (Delijan Dialect).</em> Tehran: Balkh Publication. [in Persian]<br />Shariat, K. 2009. “Vidar: my Village with Specific Dialect”. <em>Culture of People, </em>31 (32): 183-192. [in Persian]<br />Stilo, D. 1971. <em>A Grammar of Vafsi –Tati: An Application of Transformational </em>Computer Model, Ph.D. Dissertation, Linguistics, University of Michigan.<br />Stilo, D. 1981. “The Tati language group in the sociolinguistic context of Northwestern Iran and Transcaucas”<em>. Iranian Studies,</em> XIV (3-4): 137-185.<em> </em><br />Taheri-Ardali, M. 2021. “The Online Atlas of the Languages of Iran: Design, Methodology and Initial Results”. <em>Language Related Research</em>, 12 (2): 231-291. [in Persian]در این پژوهش سعی شد برمبنای دستورالعمل <em>اطلس زبانهای ایران</em> (اَزیران) پراکندگی زبانی و درصد تقریبی زبانوران استان مرکزی بهدست آید. نتایج نشان میدهد که بهترتیب زبان فارسی محلی (منظور فارسی با لهجه است مثلا فارسی اراکی)، فارسیگونۀ معیار، گروه ترکی، گروه لری، راجی، خلجی و گروه زبان تاتی جنوبی (ازجمله: وفسی، الویری، کهکی، ویدری)، لکی و کردی بیشترین زبانوران را در سطح استان دارد. زبانهای وفسی، کهکی، آمرهای، راجی، الویری، ویدری از مهمترین زبانهای در معرض خطرند. زبانهای لکی، کردی و لری محلی از زبانهایی هستند که سخنگویانشان به علت قطب صنعتی بودن استان مرکزی، از سایر مناطق کشور به این استان مهاجرت نمودهاند. نتایج آماری پژوهش نشان میدهند که در استان مرکزی زبانوران زبانهای فارسی محلی در حدود 42 درصد، فارسی گونۀ معیار حدود 33 درصد، گروه ترکی 14 درصد، گروه لری 4 درصد، آمیخته 3، راجی 2 درصد، خلجی زیر 1درصد، زبان تاتی جنوبی زیر 1درصد، لکی زیر 1 درصد و کردی زیر 1 درصد هستند.https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_6257_cca9d4ee9851aa0461c0333cd9dcbdb7.pdfدانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857120220823Differences and Similarities of Some Widely Used Phrases and Expressions in Persian And Russian Languages in The Cultural Difference Aspectتفاوت ها و شباهت های برخی عبارت ها و اصطلاحات پرکاربرد در زبان های فارسی و روسی در پرتو تفاوت های فرهنگی217236625210.22124/plid.2023.22362.1604FAمجیداستیریاستادیار زبان روسی، دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی و علوم ورزشی، دانشگاه گنبد کاووس، گنبد کاووس، ایران0000-0003-0014-4330خلیداصیامی ایدلاکاستادیار زبان روسی، دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی، دانشگاه بجنورد، بجنورد، ایران0000-0001-9466-7428سوینجمهدیخانلیاستادیار زبان روسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایران0000-0002-3581-3760Journal Article20220527The vocabulary treasure of a language is the cultural heritage of a nation. Sometimes, some words in the vocabulary of a linguistic culture, illustrate a cultural picture of the language of a society that only people of that society comprehend. These words are recorded in fixed phrases and expressions, in other words in the culture of the people. In this research, based on Shcherba and Novikov‘s theory, two distinguished Russian linguists, eight common and widely used terms and expressions in Persian and Russian languages are studied in terms of cultural differences and similarities. The aim of the study is that Russian learners compare Russian phrases and expressions to Persian ones from a cultural point of view, and being able to use them correctly. The results show, despite the fact that the equivalents for terms and expressions are written in both Persian and Russian cultures, their usage in the culture of both languages, depending on the circumstances, cultural indicators and speech etiquette, is not always the same and sometimes there are conceptual differences, which is due to cultural differences in the languages. Therefore, in teaching Russian to Persian speakers, the practical aspect should be considered.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>Extended Abstract</strong><br /><strong>1. Introduction</strong><br />When representing different concepts, languages sometimes employ different, special tools. One of these tools is the culture of the language community. Contrary to the theories of structural grammar and generative grammar, sometimes the surface structure and deep structure of a sentence, as well as the mere meaning of words, do not express the main meaning of that sentence, and only by referring to the culture of that language community and through communication, the real meaning is stated. The use of language in the cultural context, in fact, examines communications of that language community in a particular language situation.<br /> <br /><strong> 2.</strong><strong>Theoretical framework</strong><br />In “Sokhan Comprehensive Dictionary” (Farkhange Bozorge Sokhan), the word “Language” is defined as “a systematic plan in human mind, which is based on organized rules, realized by means of sounds or written signs and used for expressing thoughts and feelings or to communicate”. “A language is born and evolved with the birth and evolution of a community and dies when the community is dead, and when there is no society there is no language. “Explanatory Dictionary of Russian Language” (Tolkovyj slovarˈ russkogo jazyka) considers language as a special sound and grammatical structure by means of which thoughts are expressed and communication is established. According to V.I. Dal a language is a collection of all the words of a nation, through which, they convey their messages. Looking at these simple definitions of the word “language”, in Persian and Russian dictionaries, it becomes obvious that concepts are conveyed and communication is established through a language. Language is something universal, such an advanced tool that can help humans expand beyond boundaries and access communication, and this is how a language manifests the cultural heritage of a society. Every word of a language carries a general idea, but sometimes a word in a specific culture carries a particular idea. That special word comes up only in that culture and its idea is only related to that word. From contemporary communicative linguistics’ point of view, the skill of using the language is seen as a sociocultural intellectual activity, thus, in the principles and methods of teaching Russian as a foreign language, two essential objectives for the language learners should be pointed out. Learning to understand a new culture and understanding intercultural communication; in other words, the ability to communicate with the speakers of that language. Therefore, in addition to the linguistic structure of the target language, the language learner should also master the cultural content of that language. Searle and Grice, unlike Noam Chomsky, believed in the communication skill theory, and from their point of view, communication skill is separate from language skill, and communication skill occurs through language in the real world. In fact, in the principles and methods of teaching Russian as a foreign language, two important principles of L.V. Shcherba as one of the prominent Russian linguists should be 1- Determining the goal of education and ways to achieve this goal; nad 2- Making the language teaching methods applicable; That is, the grammatical aspects of the language should be considered as a point, main purpose of which is to create verbal, social and cultural communication among the people in the same or different cultures.<br /> <br /><strong> 3. </strong><strong>Methodology</strong><br />Descriptive-analytical method was used in this study. Here we selected eight widespread and commonly used terms and expressions used by Iranian and Russian people in their culture. Each one will be individually discussed. Also, in case of conceptual differences in the light of culture, they will be looked into. These phrases and terms are:<br />3.1. Bless you! (С лёгким паром! Будьте здоровы!)<br />3.2. Bon appetite! Eat heartily! Chow down! Enjoy your meal! (Приятного аппетита! На здоровье!)<br />3.3. Good night! Good evening! (Доброй ночи! Спокойной ночи! Добрый вечер!)<br />3.4. Good job! Keep it up! (Бог в помощь!)<br />3.5. See you! Good morning! (До свидания! Прощай (-те)! Пока!)<br />3.6. You look amazing. (Вы прекрасно выглядите!)<br />3.7. Welcome! (Добро пожаловать! С приездом!)<br />3.8. Don’t mention it! Not at all! You’re welcome! (Не стоит благодарности! Не за что!)<br /> <br /><strong>4. </strong><strong>Results & Discussion </strong><br />By reviewing the ideas and topics proposed in the field of the mutual relationship between culture and language, it becomes evident that language and culture are inseparable, which is more evident in human communication. Studying these stated terms and expressions in this research also showed that people of every cultural community, communicate and interact with each other using conventional symbols in their culture. The inseparability of language and, the correct understanding of terms and expressions of a culture by the people of that culture and finally, the differences in perceiving the surrounding world by the people of various cultures are the key points that draw attention. They indicate that in Russian language teaching, they must be considered seriously and that Persian-speaking learners of Russian language should pay special attention to these points when communicating with Russian speakers.<br /> <br /><strong> 5. </strong><strong>Conclusions & Suggestions</strong><br />Teaching the culture, among other different educational subjects, requires more analysis. In case of Russian language education, it can be achieved, to some extent, only through teaching the courses "Cultural-Literary Influences of Iran on Russia", "Russian Idioms and Proverbs", and "History, Geography and Culture of Russia". This insufficiency can be compromised by adding some materials, mainly about differences in these two cultures, to the translation, listening and speaking, and conversation courses. Because as it was proven by looking into those eight examples, for the correct translation and a proper communication, the learner must be familiar with the culture of the language in question. Undoubtedly, the integration of Russian language education with its practical aspect, in the form of culture, can facilitate the learning process for Persian-speaking Russian learners, and deepen the understanding of learned materials and make the learning process more appealing for the learners.<br /> <br /><strong>Select Bibliography</strong><br />Ахманова О.С. 1966. <em>Словарь</em><em> </em><em>лингвистических</em><em> </em><em>терминов</em>, Москва: Советская энциклопедия. [In Russian].<br />Anvari, H. 2002. <em>Sokhan Comprehensive Dictionary, Volume 5,</em> Tehran: Sokhan Publications. [In Persian].<br />Безъязыкова Ю.А. 2018. “Взаимосвязь языка и культуры при обучении иностранным языкам”, <em>Наука и образование сегодня</em>, 1 (24): 72-74. [In Russian].<br />Даль В.И. 1882. <em>Толковый словарь живаго великорускаго языка</em>, Москва: Библиотека «Руниверс». [In Russian].<br />Dehkhoda, A. A. 1998. <em>Loghatname Dehkhoda (Encyclopedic Dictionary), Volume 8,</em> Tehran: Tehran University Publications. [In Persian].<br />Moradi, M. Rahmani, M. 2020. “A Sociolinguistic Study of “Jargon and Slang (Russian Language Case Study)”, <em>journal of “Book Review Journal of Foreign Languages”, </em>3 (1): 122-95. [In Persian].<br />Safavi, K. 1992. <em>Seven Essays on Translation</em>, Tehran: Markaz Publications. [In Persian].<br />Smith, F. 2004. <em>Cultural theory: An introduction</em>, Translated into Persian by Hasan Pouyan. Tehran: Elmi Publications. [In Persian].<br />Tajabadi, F. Aghagolzadeh, F. 2011. “FLT in the Light of Culture Teaching Challenges”, <em>Journal of Foreign Language Research</em>, 1 (1): 37-55. [In Persian].<br />Верещагин Е.М., Костомаров В.Г.<em> </em>1990. <em>Язык и культура</em>, Москва: Русский язык. [In Russian].در این پژوهش برمبنای نظریۀ دو زبانشناس برجستة روس ل. و. شِربا و ل. آ. نُویکُف، هشت عبارت و اصطلاح رایج در زبانهای فارسی و روسی در پرتو تفاوتها و شباهتهای فرهنگی بررسی میشود. هدف پژوهش این است که دانشجویان روسیآموز عبارتها و اصطلاحات<strong> </strong>روسی را با عبارتها و اصطلاحات فارسی از لحاظ فرهنگی مقایسه و آنها را درست بهکار برند. نتایج پژوهش نشان میدهد، اگرچه معادلهایی برای عبارتها و اصطلاحات در فرهنگ فارسی و روسی نوشته میشود، اما بهکارگیری آنها در فرهنگ هر دو زبان باتوجه به موقعیت زمانی، شاخصهای فرهنگی و آداب گفتار همیشه یکسان نیست و گاهی تفاوتهای مفهومی نیز ایجاد میشود که این موضوع ناشی از تفاوتهای فرهنگی در هر دو زبان تلقی میگردد. بنابراین در آموزش زبان روسی به فارسیزبانان باید به بُعد کاربردی آنها توجه شود.https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_6252_2f8ca7bdfe90a81c4c1e10428ada55cf.pdfدانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857120220823Modal Forms for Permission in Gilaki: A Historical Approachنگاهی تاریخی به صورتهای بیان وجه اجازه درگیلکی237263631210.22124/plid.2023.23511.1620FAالههحسینی ماتکدانشجوی دورۀ دکتری زبانشناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و زبانهای خارجی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران.0000000247112558مجتبیمنشی زادهاستاد گروه زبانشناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و زبانهای خارجی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران0000-0002-0808-6094احسانچنگیزیدانشیار گروه زبانشناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و زبانهای خارجی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران0000-0003-4670-0646Journal Article20221227In Gilaki, four forms are used to express permission: <em>vâhâštǝn</em>, <em>bedâ</em>, <em>benǝ</em> and <em>tânǝstǝn</em>. Some of these forms indicate the issuance of permission and some indicate the request for permission. These forms are the result of the grammaticalization of the forms that had lexical functions in the old periods of Iranian languages. In this article, the process of grammaticalization of the grams which represent permission has been investigated based on the data from Avestan, Old Persian, Middle Persian, and Persian literary texts. In most languages, permission is represented either through the grammaticalization of verbs that imply abandoning and leaving or through the grammaticalization of verbs that imply the concept of ability and are also used to express probability. In the Gilaki, the forms <em>vâhâštǝn</em> and <em>bedâ</em>, from the root <em>harz</em> / <em>hard</em>, which means "to leave", survived in the old period of Iranian languages. <em>Benǝ</em>, from the infinitive <em>nehan</em>, in addition to the lexical meaning of "putting", was used in a stage of language evolution to express the meaning of "leaving" and then its imperative verb was grammaticalized to express the concept of permission. <em>Tânǝstǝn</em> is also from the root <em>tav</em> meaning "to be able" in the old period of Iranian languages. This form in the course of evolution, in addition to the modal concept of ability, is also used to express possibility and permission.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>Extended Abstract</strong><br /><strong>1. Introduction</strong><br />Expression of permission is one of the modalities which is represented in Gilaki by <em>vâhâštǝn</em>, <em>bedâ</em>, <em>benǝ</em> and <em>tânǝstǝn</em>. In this paper, we intend to examine these linguistic forms from the grammaticalization point of view, and by using the diachronic data of Iranian languages.<br /> <br /><strong> 2. </strong><strong>Theoretical framework</strong><br />According to Bybee (1994), there are two ways to express the concept of permission diachronically: first, the grammaticalization of the verbs that mean "to allow" and "to have permission", and second, the development of the verbs which imply physical and mental ability into root possibility and then into the concept of permission. During the process of development, the concept of ability includes all external and internal conditions that make the occurrence of things possible and all the social and physical conditions that enable or allow the agent and the speaker to do something. In addition, in many languages of the world, the verbs which mean "to leave", and "to abandon", have developed into forms to express permission.<br /> <br /><strong> 3. </strong><strong>Methodology</strong><br />Gilaki data for permission requests and permit issuance is provided by the field method, and based on the linguistic intuition of one of the authors. By using data from Avestan, Old Persian, Middle Persian and post-Islamic Persian literary texts, we have shown what functions the forms of expressing the concept of permission have had in the past periods of Iranian languages and what changes they have gone through to become grammatical tools for expressing permission in Gilaki.<br /> <br /><strong> 4. </strong><strong>Results & Discussion</strong><br /><em>Vâhâštǝn</em> is composed of the prefix <em>vā-</em> and the infinitive <em>hâštǝn</em>, which means "to put", "to leave", "to abandon" and "to allow" and its present stem is <em>vâhal</em>-. <em>Hâštǝn</em> is the residual from the <em>harz/hard</em><em> </em>root, in old Persian and Avestan, which means "to leave", or "to abandon". In Middle Persian and Persian literary texts, <em>hišt</em> and its present stem <em>hil-</em>, are used to indicate abandoning and leaving objective and abstract things and also the process of doing things. Using the verb in contexts where abandoning something is done to achieve a specific goal, has gradually caused the verb to lose its original meaning, abandon, and acquire the meaning of permission. In the majority of middle Persian sentences, the action that is permitted to be done through the use of the verb <em>hištan</em>, or the specific purpose for which the use of <em>hištan</em>, allows its fulfilment or non-fulfilment, is presented in the form of complete and non-complete infinitives. In Persian literary texts, <em>hištan</em> is used pre-verbally, within a subordinate clause and with a conjunction. In Gilaki, the conjunction has been removed from the beginning of the subordinate clause and <em>vâhâštǝn</em> is used both to issue permits and to request permission.<br /><em>Bed</em><em>â</em> is another form in Gilaki for asking permission. This form is obtained through phonological reduction and the loss of morpheme boundary in the phrase *<em>be hel t</em><em>â</em>. The infinitive <em>nehan</em>, means, "to put something somewhere", "to permit" and "to abandon". <em>Bene</em>, the imperative form with the prefix be, is used for asking permission.<br /><em>Bene</em>, the imperative form with the prefix be, is used for asking permission. In the old period of Iranian languages this verb, from the root <em>dā</em> and the prefix <em>ni</em>-, is used to mean "put something somewhere". In middle Persian, both the present stem <em>nih</em>- and the past stem <em>nihād</em> are used with the same meaning. In Persian literary texts, <em>nihadan</em>, without locative adverbs means, "to abandon", "to leave", and sometimes "to leave alone, to give up", is used with the conjunction <em>tâ</em> and a subordinate clause. Abandoning and leaving something when it is done to accomplish a task or achieve a specific goal, has caused the interpretation of allowing and asking for permission in the mind of the language speakers. In Gilaki <em>bene</em> is used to represent asking for permission by moving to the initial position of the sentence and removing the conjunction.<br /><em>T</em><em>â</em><em>nǝstǝn</em> simultaneously represents the concepts of physical and mental ability, possibility and permission. This verb is a residual of the root <em>tav</em> in old Persian and Avestan, which means "to have the ability ". In middle Persian, <em>tuw</em><em>ān</em> and <em>tuw</em><em>ā</em><em>nist</em> have been common to denote the concept of physical and mental ability. Ability also implies the concept of possibility. The ability to do something is the possibility and probability of its occurrence. Therefore, the concept of the ability to do something also implies the possibility of its realization. In middle Persian <em>tuw</em><em>ā</em><em>n</em>, in some contexts especially in interrogative contexts has represented permission. In these contexts, <em>tuw</em><em>ā</em><em>n</em> describes a condition in which the agent or the speaker can do something. Gradually, with the expansion of the use of this verb to express such concepts in Gilaki, <em>t</em><em>â</em><em>nǝstǝn</em> is used to issue and request permission.<br /> <br /><strong>5. </strong><strong>Conclusion & Suggestions</strong><br />The forms of expressing modal concepts in all languages have emerged through the grammaticalization of two lexical forms, the first of which are the verbs which mean "to abandon", and "to leave". <em>Vâhâštǝn</em>, <em>bed</em><em>â</em> and <em>benǝ</em> are such verbs. <em>Bed</em><em>â</em> and <em>v</em><em>âhâštǝn</em> the residual forms from the root <em>harz/hard</em>, lose their lexical meanings and are only used grammatically. The lexical meaning and grammatical function of <em>nehan</em> coexist with each other. This verb, from the root <em>da</em> and with the prefix <em>ni</em>-, originally meant "to put" and then has obtained the meaning of "to abandon", and in Gilaki, its imperative form has been used to express permission. The second way of representing the concept of permission is verbs that imply the concept of ability and are used in a stage of development to express the concept of possibility. In Gilaki <em>t</em><em>â</em><em>nǝstǝn</em> a residual form of the root <em>tav</em> is used to express ability, possibility and permission.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>Selected Bibliography</strong><br />Abualqasemi, M. 1994. <em>Stems of Dari Persian Verbs</em>, Tehran: Ghoghnus. [In Persian]<br />Bartholomae, C. 1961. <em>Altiranisches Wörterbuch</em>. Berlin: W. De Gruyter.<br />Brunner, Ch. j. 1977. <em>A Syntax of Western Middle Iranian</em>. Delmar, New York: Caravan Books.<br />Bybee, J. L., Perkins R. D. & Pagliuca, W. 1994. <em>The Evolution of Grammar: Tense, Aspect, and Modality in the Languages of the World</em>. Vol. 196. Chicago: University Press.<br />Bybee, J. L. and Fleischman, S. 1995. “Modality in grammar and discourse”. In Bybee, J. L. and S. Fleischman (eds), <em>Modality in grammar and discourse</em>, 1-17, Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company.<br />Heine, B. 2003. “Grammaticalization”. In B.D. Joseph & R.D. Janda (eds.). <em>The Handbook of Historical Linguistics</em>, 575-601. Blackwell Publishing.<br />Heine, B. & T. Kuteva. 2004. <em>World Lexicon of Grammaticalization</em>. Cambridge: University Press.<br />Hopper, P. J. 1991. “On Some Principle of Grammaticalization”. In E. C. Traugott and C. Heine (eds.). <em>Approaches to Grammaticalization, </em>1/17-35<em>.</em> Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins publishing company.<br />Hopper, P.J. & Traugott, E.C. 2003. <em>Grammaticalization</em>. Cambridge: University Press.<br />Rastorgueva, V.S., Kerimova, A.A., Mamedzade, A.K., Pireiko, L.A. & Edel’man, D.I. 2012. <em>The Gilaki Language</em>. Uppsala: University Press.در گیلکی، چهار صورت زبانی برای بیان وجه اجازه بهکار میرود: vâhâštǝn، bedâ، benǝ و tânǝstǝn. برخی از این صورتها بر صدور اجازه و برخی بر درخواست اجازه دلالت دارند. این ابزارها حاصل دستوریشدگی صورتهایی هستند که در دورههای پیشین زبانهای ایرانی، کارکرد واژگانی داشتهاند. در این مقاله، روند دستوریشدگی ابزارهای بیان وجه اجازه براساس دادههای زبان اوستایی، فارسی باستان، فارسی میانه و متون ادب فارسی بررسی شدهاست. در غالب زبانها، وجه اجازه یا با دستوریشدگی فعلهایی که بر رهاکردن و ترککردن دلالت دارند، بازنمایی میشود یا با دستوریشدگی فعلهایی که بر مفهوم توانایی دلالت دارند و برای بیان احتمال نیز بهکار میروند. صورتهای زبانی vâhâštǝn و bedâ از ریشۀ harz/hard به معنی رهاکردن در دورۀ باستان زبانهای ایرانی بازماندهاند. benǝ از مصدر nehan است که علاوهبر معنی واژگانی «قراردادن»، در مرحلهای از تحول زبان برای بیان معنی «رهاکردن» بهکار رفته و سپس، فعل امر آن برای بیان مفهوم اجازه دستوری شدهاست. tânǝstǝn نیز از ریشۀ tav به معنی «تواناییداشتن» در زبانهای دورۀ باستان است که در سیر تحول، علاوهبر مفهوم وجهی توانایی، برای بیان احتمال و اجازه نیز بهکار رفتهاست.https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_6312_da567ad7c3915dc79c81254f8bca59e0.pdfدانشگاه گیلانزبان فارسی و گویشهای ایرانی2476-65857120220823Verb in Katouli Dialectفعل در گویش کتولی265287617710.22124/plid.2023.22041.1601FAسعیدوحیدفردانشجوی دکتری فرهنگ و زبانهای باستانی ایرانی، دانشکدة علوم انسانی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد علوم تحقیقات تهران، ایران000000031540051Xفرحزاهدیاستادیار فرهنگ و زبانهای باستانی ایرانی، سازمان اسناد و کتابخانۀ ملی ایران، تهران، ایران0000000319326281فاطمهجدلیاستادیار فرهنگ و زبانهای باستانی ایرانی، پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی، تهران، ایران0000000291914048Journal Article20220427Katouli is regarded as the most eastern dialect of the Mazandarani language that in addition to some differences in words, is different from Mazandarani to some extent in verbal constructions such as continuous preterit construction and the infinitives used in past and present verbs. In the present study, verbal stem, personal ending and constructions, infinitive, subject and object adjectives as well as active and passive forms have been investigated in Katouli dialect. In this dialect, verb is based on the past and present stems. The present verb has indicative, subjunctive and continuous constructions, and the preterit verb also has simple, continuous, progressive, present perfect, subjunctive and past perfect constructions. In Katouli dialect, the passive form also is not common as it exists in Persian language and the informants prefer using the active structure. The main characteristics of the verb in Katouli dialect which is important in language studies include: lack of present perfect tense as it is common in Persian and using simple past instead of it, not using prefix in present indicative verb construction, using the past stem of <em>kœrd</em> in past continuous construction and some other characteristics which are mentioned in this paper.
<strong>Extended Abstract</strong>
<strong>1. Introduction</strong>
Aliabad-e-Katul is a city of the Golestan Province located in the range of Hyrcanian forests and Alborz mountains, with the height of 140 m above the Caspian Sea level. This city is restricted to Turkmen plain from the north, Fenderesk from the east, Malek from the west and the mountains covered with Alborz forest from the south. Katuli, as a dialect of Mazandarani language is of great antiquity and many expressions, words and verbs are still alive in this dialect. Despite the importance of Katuli as a dialect of Mazandarani language with high archaism, little is known about its different aspects of phonetics, morphophonemics and grammar. Therefore, considering the role of this dialect in preserving the old culture of Katul’s people, the study of verb in Katuli dialect was conducted in the present study.
<strong> </strong>
<strong> 2. </strong><strong>Theoretical framework</strong>
New Iranian languages that appeared in different parts after Islamic conquest of Iran, are categorized as <em>east</em>, <em>west</em>, and <em>central</em> groups. The west Iranian languages and dialects are divided into two categories of northwest and southwest Iranian languages. The languages and dialects which are similar to the middle Persian and Parthian languages in historical changes, are located in southwest group and northwest groups, respectively. The Caspian language and dialects are categorized in northwest group, and include Mazandarani, Gilaki and Taleshi. The geographical range of Mazandarani language is not in accordance with the current border of Mazandaran Province in the country so that it is extended to the Gorgan plain in the east and continues to the Chalous River in the west. The interesting point is that Mazandarani language continues to around Gorgan, is stopped in Gorgan and the villages in its west parts and then is spoken in Aliabad-e-Katul and its villages. Therefore, Katuli could be considered as the most eastern dialect of the Mazandarani language. In addition to some differences in words, the Katuli dialect is different from Mazandarani to some extent in verbal constructions such as continuous preterit and the infinitives used in past and present verbs.
<strong>3. </strong><strong>Methodology</strong>
In the present study, construction and some characteristics of verb was investigated in Katuli dialect. The data were collected based on field and intuitive research. For this, interview was conducted with more than 30 speakers in the age groups of 25 to 80 years old (man and woman, educated and uneducated) from Aliabad-e-Katul and surrounding villages, and the information were recorded. Moreover, the available resources, including articles and books, about Mazandarani and its dialects, were also studied.
<strong> 4. </strong><strong>Results & discussion</strong>
In Katuli dialect, past and present stem is derived from the old Iranian language and differentiated via especial phonetic processes. In this dialect, infinitive suffix are /-en/and /-an/ that added at the end of past stem. Personal endings used in present indicative and subjunctive are various based on present stem. Present continuous also derived from the new Persian and is constructed by present stem for auxiliary verb of (dār) and present stem for main verb with personal ending of present indicative. Like Persian, there is no personal ending for the third-person singular of past verb in Katuli dialect. In a special case in first person of negative form for simple past of the verb “going”, older people especially in rural places use the verb “našīm” (the stem /-šī/) while the youngers use the verb nōardēm (the stem /-ar/). The past continuous is also formed by past stem of the related verb with the past form of the auxiliary verb (kœrd). In Katuli, there is no past perfect form as it is usual in Persian, but instead, the speakers use simple past like informal Persian. The past subjunctive is also formed by object adjective of main verb with present subjunctive of the auxiliary verb (būdan). The present indicative for the auxiliary verb (xāstan) with the present subjunctive of main verb are used for future construction.
In Katuli dialect, the passive form of the verb is not common as it is in Persian, and speakers usually tend to use active verb. However, passive structure could be used for different verb tenses in this dialect but it is not common for past subjunctive. In the case of transitive and intransitive constructions, four cases could be considered: 1) inchoative verb is the base and causative is derived from it; 2) both verbs are not derived from each other but differentiated through auxiliary verb; 3) the verbal stems are different; 4) both verbs have the same form. The enclitics of /-em/, /-i/, /-e/, /-im/, /-in/ and /-en/ are used for enclitic construction. [va-], [dar-] and [var-] are also the main and mostly used verbal prefixes in this dialect.
<strong> 5. </strong><strong>Conclusions & suggestions</strong>
In the present study, verb construction and some verbal attributes were investigated in Katuli as the most eastern dialect of the Mazandarani language. In this dialect, both past and present stems are used in construction of all verbal groups, have the same root. In Katuli dialect, simple past is used instead of past perfect in verbal construction which could be distinguished through the application and emphasis. Unlike Persian, no prefix is used to present indicative construction in Katuli dialect. Another interesting point in Katuli dialect is that the speakers tend to use active form of the verb. Overall, the results from this study indicates that Katuli has some differences with other dialects of Mazandarani in some aspects of verb construction including infinitive suffix and past continuous. With respect to the limit number of Katuli speakers and increasing trend to the new Persian, Katuli is in threat of being forgotten like many other Iranian dialects. Therefore, such studies could be useful to preserve and maintain Iranian endangered dialects.
<strong>Select Bibliography</strong>
Lecoq, P. 2004. “Caspian sea dialects and North-western Iranian dialects”. <em>Iranian languages manual: New Iranian Languages</em>. Eschmidt, R. (Ed.). Translated by Bakhtiyari et al., Tehran: Ghoghnus. [In Persian].
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Shokri, G. 2006. <em>Ramsari Dialect</em>. Tehran: Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies. [In Persian].کتولی شرقیترین گویش زبان مازندرانی است که علاوهبر تفاوت در برخی واژگان، از نظر ساختهای فعلی نیز در پارهای موارد همچون ساخت ماضی استمراری، پیشوند و شناسههای افعال ماضی و مضارع تفاوتهایی با زبان مازندرانی دارد. در پژوهش حاضر، به بررسی مادهها، شناسهها و ساختهای فعلی، مصدر، صفت فاعلی و مفعولی و همچنین شکل معلوم و مجهول فعل در گویش کتولی پرداخته شدهاست. در این گویش، فعل بر پایۀ دو ماده ماضی و مضارع ساخته میشود. فعل مضارع دارای سه ساخت اخباری، التزامی و مستمر، و فعل ماضی نیز دارای ساختهای ساده، استمراری، مستمر، نقلی، التزامی و بعید است. همچنین در گویش کتولی، شکل مجهول بهصورتی که در زبان فارسی وجود دارد، معمول نیست و تمایل گویشوران بیشتر به استفاده از ساختار معلوم است. ویژگیهای مهم دستگاه فعلی در گویش کتولی که در بررسیهای زبانی حائز اهمیت است، عبارتاند از: نبود زمان ماضی نقلی به سیاق معمول در زبان فارسی و استفاده از ماضی ساده بهجای آن، عدم استفاده از پیشوند در ساخت فعل مضارع اخباری، استفاده از مادۀ ماضی kœrd در ساخت ماضی استمراری و برخی ویژگیهای دیگر که در این مقاله به آنها پرداخته شدهاست. https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_6177_8eaa4264cd9093b4ad1d03808017a291.pdf