دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 10 1 2025 04 21 Contracted Forms in Persian and English Orthography مقایسۀ صورت‌های شکسته در خط فارسی و انگلیسی 7 27 9304 10.22124/plid.2025.32165.1734 FA امید طبیب زاده استاد زبان‌شناسی همگانی پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2025 11 02 This article first discusses common terminology in colloquial writing and its related concepts, particularly in scientific and applied sources in English (e.g., Oxford Dictionary 2015; Chicago Manual of Style 2017). It then examines the similarities and differences between contractions or short forms in English, on one hand, and Persin contractions (صورت‌های شکسته) in Persian, on the other. The discussion notes that Iranian grammarians have historically referred to colloquial and informal forms such as "اگه" (for اگر = if), "بوم" (for بام= roof), "بِشه" (for بشود= if possible), "بِهِش" (for به او= to him), "خونه" (for خانه= house), "رو" (for را= object marker), and "میرم" (for می‌روم= I will go) as contracted forms. However, some of these cannot be precisely considered shortened forms, as they are not shorter than their standard, formal full counterparts. Nonetheless, this article examines contracted forms alongside shortened forms collectively, as they share other characteristics. It is important to note that most Persian contracted forms are phonemically shorter than their intact forms (e.g., "بِشه" / "بشود"; "میرم" / "می‌روم"). However, in some cases, Persian contracted forms are the same length as the intact form (e.g., "اگه" / "اگر"; "بوم" / "بام"; "خونه" / "خانه"; "رو" / "را"), and in rare cases, they are even longer (e.g., "بِهِش" / "به او"). In fact, Persian contracted forms include both shortened forms and other colloquial forms for which there is no exact equivalent or counterpart in English grammatical terminology. The relatively high number of such forms in Persian, and their absence in English, indicates a kind of diglossia in Persian and the lack of such a phenomenon in English. Extended Abstract Introduction This article first discusses common terminology in colloquial writing and its related concepts, particularly in scientific and applied sources in English (e.g., Oxford Dictionary 2015; Chicago Manual of Style 2017). It then examines the similarities and differences between contractions or short forms in English, on one hand, and " contracted forms" in Persian, on the other. Iranian grammarians have historically referred to informal spoken forms as “broken forms” (صورت‌های شکسته), though not all are strictly "shortened." This study treats them together due to shared functional characteristics. A key point is that the prevalence of such non-shortened colloquial variants in Persian, contrasted with their general absence in English, suggests a diglossic situation in Persian not present in English. Theoretical Framework The core concepts are "colloquial writing" (گفتاری‌نویسی‌) and " contracted forms." Colloquial writing is a general term for a writing style used to represent spoken language in text. It is not synonymous with writing contracted forms. It has subtypes: lexical, phonetic, and morpho-syntactic colloquial writing. Phonetic colloquial writing is equivalent to what is called writing broken forms. Examples in English include using aren't for are not and 'cause for because. Examples in Persian include using "رو" for "را", "میتونم" for "می‌توانم", "دیگه" for "دیگر", and the enclitics "ـمون"/"ـتون" for "ـمان"/"ـتان". Methodology The study employs a descriptive-analytical method, comparing linguistic forms across two languages. Data consists of standard and colloquial/broken form pairs collected from Persian literary, dramatic, and conversational texts from the last century, as well as standard English and its common contractions. The forms are analyzed based on three parameters: 1) Stylistic level (formal vs. informal), 2) Phonetic form and semantic equivalence, and 3) Length (number of syllables/phonemes). Results & Discussion The comparison of English contractions and Persian broken forms reveals similarities and key differences. Similarities: 1) Stylistic Level: Both English contractions (e.g., aren't, 'cause) and Persian broken forms (e.g., "بگم", "رو") belong to an informal, colloquial style, while their full forms belong to a formal style. This is their primary distinguishing feature. 2) Semantic Equivalence: Both are phonetically different but lexically and grammatically identical to their full forms (e.g., because / 'cause; "اگر" / "اگه"). Differences: 1) Length: While English contractions are invariably shorter than their full forms, Persian broken forms can be shorter (e.g., "بشه"/"بشود"), the same length (e.g., "خونه"/"خانه"), or, rarely, longer (e.g., "بِهِش"/"به او"). 2) Scope and Diglossia: The term "broken forms" in Persian encompasses a wider range of colloquial variants, including many that are not shortened. The significant number of these non-shortened colloquial variants in Persian, absent in English, points to a diglossic relationship between formal and informal Persian, a phenomenon not characteristic of modern English. Conclusions & Suggestions The term " contracted form" in Persian is broader than "contraction" in English. It covers not only shortened forms but also other colloquial variants that may be equal or even longer than their standard counterparts. The most critical shared feature between English contractions and Persian contracted forms is their register: they mark informal, spoken style versus formal, written style. The existence of numerous non-shortened colloquial variants in Persian supports the notion of diglossia in Persian, distinguishing it from English in this aspect. For a comprehensive understanding, further research could quantify the frequency of different contracted form types across various Persian genres and periods. Select Bibliography Jamalzadeh, Mohammad Ali. Yeki Bud Yeki Nabud. Berlin, 1921. [In Persian]. Khanlari, Parviz. "Zabān-e Fasih." Sokhan, Majale-ye Adabiyāt va Danesh va Honar, 1974, 24(2): 1135-1139. [In Persian]. Dastur-e Khatt-e Farsi. Tehran: Farhangestan-e Zabān va Adab-e Farsi, 2022. [In Persian]. Samiei, Ahmad. Negāresh va Virāyesh. 12th ed, Tehran: SAMT, 2012. [In Persian]. Sadeghi, Ali Ashraf. "Zabān-e Mi'yār." Nashr-e Danesh, 1983, 3(16): 16-21. [In Persian]. Sadeghi, Ali Ashraf & Zandi Moghaddam, Zahra. Farhang-e Emlāyi-ye Khatt-e Farsi. Tehran: Farhangestan-e Zabān va Adab-e Farsi, 2015. [In Persian]. Solhjoo, Ali. "Beshkanim ya Nashkanim; Paskhī be Nazar-e Manouchehr Anvar dar Namāyeshname-ye Aroosak-khāne." Motarjem, 2007, 17(45): 9-22. [In Persian]. Solhjoo, Ali. Osul-e Shekaste-nevisi (Rāhnemā-ye Shekastan-e Vāzhe-hā dar Goftogu-hā-ye Dāstān). Tehran: Nashr-e Markaz, 2012. [In Persian]. Tabibzadeh, Omid. Mabāni va Dastur-e Khatt-e Shekaste-ye Farsi; Bar Asās-e Sad Sāl Asār-e Dāstāni va Namāyeshi (1298-1397). Tehran: Pajuheshgah-e Olum-e Ensāni va Motāle'āt-e Farhangi, 2019a. [In Persian]. Tabibzadeh, Omid. Farsi-ye Shekaste; Dastur-e Khatt va Farhang-e Emlāyi. Tehran, Bahar, 1019b. [In Persian]. صورت‌های شکسته در خط فارسی را با قدری تسامح می‌توان معادل صورت‌های کوتاهشده در زبان انگلیسی دانست، با این تفاوت که گرچه غالب صورت‌های شکستۀ فارسی از حیث تعداد واج‌هایشان کوتاه‌تر از صورت‌های سالم خود هستند، اما در مواردی صورت‌های شکستۀ فارسی کاملا هم‌اندازۀ صورت سالم خودشان یا حتی بلندتر از آنها هستند. درواقع، صورت‌های شکسته در فارسی شامل صورت‌های کوتاه‌شده و نیز صورت‌هایی هستند که معادل یا همتای دقیقی در زبان انگلیسی ندارند. تعداد نسبتا زیاد این صورت‌های اخیر در فارسی، و نبود آنها در زبان انگلیسی، مبین وجود نوعی دوزبانگونگی دیرپا در فارسی و نبود چنین عارضه‌ای در انگلیسی است. در پایان بحث کرده‌ایم که چرا استفاده از اصطلاحاتی مانند «گفتاری‌نویسی» یا «نونویسه‌ها» و مانند آن به‌جای «صورت‌های شکسته» یا «گفتاری‌نویسی»، باعث ایجاد نارسایی و ابهام در اصطلاحات دستوری فارسی می‌شود.

https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_9304_124e7bdbfbf85a424cd5eafdfc2ae2e1.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 10 1 2025 04 21 The Conceptualization of ‘Time’ in Persian Grammatical Constructions from a Cognitive Grammar Perspective مفهوم‌سازی زمان در ساخت‌های دستوری فارسی برپایۀ دستور شناختی 29 61 9307 10.22124/plid.2025.32506.1740 FA مسعود دهقان دانشیار گروه زبان و ادبیات انگلیسی و زبان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ زبان و ادبیات، دانشگاه کردستان، سنندج، کردستان، ایران Journal Article 2025 12 09 The present study examined the mental representation and conceptualization of time in Persian through the framework of Langacker’s Cognitive Grammar (1987). The author attempted to demonstrate that ‘time’ in language is a cognitive, experienced, and culturally mediated phenomenon that takes shape within grammatical and discursive constructions. The purpose was to explain how temporal structures are organized and conceptually imaged in the minds of Persian speakers, and to identify the cognitive operations involved—such as scanning, profiling, reference-point, and viewpoint. The methodological nature of this qualitative study was descriptive–analytical, drawing on naturally occurring data from spoken and written Persian. The results showed that Persian conceptualizes time through a wide range of metaphorical and cognitive patterns, including time as flow, wind, healer, field of action, plannable domain, and perceptual magnitude. These representations demonstrated that temporal experience is not fixed but dynamic and multi-scalar, and that language highlights this multiplicity through image-schemas, agentive personification, dynamic scanning, and various profiling strategies. The findings indicated that Cognitive Grammar provides a powerful explanatory framework for understanding the cultural, affective, and perceptual mechanisms involved in temporal representation in Persian, offering new insights for the study of temporal constructions in Iranian languages. Extended Abstract Introduction Time is one of the most fundamental semantic and experiential categories in natural languages; however, its linguistic representation cannot be fully explained through purely formal or morphosyntactic descriptions. In traditional analyses of Persian grammar, temporal meaning has mainly been examined through verbal tense categories such as past, present, and future. While this approach accounts for basic grammatical distinctions, it fails to explain how speakers cognitively experience, conceptualize, and dynamically organize temporal relations in discourse. To address this limitation, the present study conceptualizes time not as a fixed grammatical category but as a cognitively constructed, experientially grounded, and culturally mediated phenomenon. From a cognitive linguistic perspective, temporal meaning emerges through the interaction of grammatical constructions, conceptual operations, and embodied experience. Language, therefore, plays an active role in shaping temporal cognition rather than merely encoding objective temporal relations. Persian, with its rich metaphorical and aspectual resources, provides an appropriate context for examining these processes. Accordingly, this study moves beyond surface-level tense descriptions and investigates the cognitive mechanisms underlying temporal construal in Persian grammatical constructions. The main objective is to explain how time is conceptually structured in the minds of Persian speakers by analyzing naturally occurring linguistic data within the framework of Langacker’s Cognitive Grammar. In particular, the study examines how cognitive operations such as profiling, scanning, reference-point construction, and viewpoint contribute to dynamic representations of time in Persian discourse. Theoretical Framework The theoretical foundation of this study is Langacker’s Cognitive Grammar (1987, 1991, 2008), which treats grammar as an integral component of human cognition rather than an autonomous formal system. Within this framework, grammatical structures are symbolic units that pair linguistic form with conceptual content, and temporal meaning cannot be reduced to tense morphology alone but arises from broader processes of conceptualization. One key notion employed in the analysis is profiling, which involves foregrounding a particular substructure within a broader conceptual domain. In Persian temporal constructions, speakers frequently profile specific phases, durations, or transitions of events, shaping how time is cognitively construed. Another central concept is scanning, referring to the mental traversal of a temporal sequence. Persian constructions may involve sequential scanning, highlighting the unfolding of events, or summary scanning, which compresses temporal extension into a holistic representation. The framework also incorporates the notions of reference point and viewpoint, which play a crucial role in temporal interpretation. Reference points anchor temporal relations to salient moments or experiences, while viewpoint determines the perspectival position from which time is construed. These mechanisms allow speakers to manipulate temporal meaning flexibly, presenting time as dynamic, subjective, and context-dependent. In addition, the study draws on cognitive semantic insights concerning conceptual metaphor, acknowledging that abstract domains such as time are often understood through more concrete experiential domains. Although the analysis remains grounded in Cognitive Grammar, it recognizes that metaphorical construals—such as time conceptualized as motion, substance, or agent—are central to Persian temporal expressions. Research Methodology This study adopts a qualitative, descriptive–analytical methodology consistent with cognitive linguistic research. Rather than relying on experimental elicitation or quantitative modeling, the analysis is based on naturally occurring linguistic data drawn from both spoken and written Persian, allowing for the examination of authentic patterns of temporal conceptualization in real communicative contexts. The data consist of selected grammatical constructions and discursive environments in which temporal meaning is salient. These constructions are analyzed in terms of their conceptual structure, with particular attention to how grammatical choices reflect underlying cognitive operations. The study does not aim to provide an exhaustive inventory of temporal expressions in Persian but focuses on representative patterns that reveal broader conceptual tendencies. Analytically, the research involves close qualitative examination of linguistic examples, focusing on how temporal meaning is shaped through grammatical form, metaphorical construal, and perspectival organization. Core concepts from Cognitive Grammar—such as profiling, scanning, reference point, and viewpoint—are systematically applied to interpret the data. Discussion and Results The analysis shows that time in Persian is conceptualized through a diverse set of cognitive and metaphorical patterns, indicating that temporal experience is neither uniform nor static. One prominent pattern involves conceptualizing time as flow or movement, where temporal progression is construed as something that passes, arrives, or departs. In such cases, grammatical constructions highlight dynamic scanning and sequential unfolding, aligning temporal experience with embodied perceptions of motion. Another recurrent pattern conceptualizes time as a natural force or agent, such as wind or a healer. These constructions attribute agency to time, enabling it to affect human experience by altering, erasing, or restoring states of affairs. This agentive construal reflects an experiential understanding of time as an active influence rather than a neutral background for events. The data also reveal instances in which time is construed as a field of action or a plannable domain, emphasizing human interaction with temporal structure. In these cases, time is presented as something that can be managed, allocated, or organized, foregrounding intentionality and control. Additionally, time is sometimes represented as a perceptual magnitude, capable of being expanded, compressed, wasted, or saved, relying on image schemas related to quantity and space. Across these patterns, profiling strategies and viewpoint selection play a key role in determining which aspects of temporal experience are foregrounded. Overall, the findings demonstrate that Persian employs a rich set of cognitive mechanisms to represent time through the interaction of linguistic form, cognitive operations, and lived experience. Conclusion and Suggestions The study concludes that time in Persian is best understood as a cognitively and culturally mediated construct rather than a purely grammatical category. Applying the framework of Cognitive Grammar reveals that Persian temporal constructions encode complex conceptual operations that shape how speakers experience and interpret time. The diversity of temporal representations identified in the data confirms that temporal experience is dynamic and deeply embedded in human cognition. The findings confirm the explanatory power of Cognitive Grammar in analyzing temporal meaning, particularly in capturing the interaction between grammatical structure and conceptualization. This approach goes beyond traditional tense-based analyses and contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of temporal representation in Persian and other Iranian languages. For future research, the study suggests extending the analysis to comparative investigations of Iranian languages and dialects, integrating corpus-based or experimental approaches, and expanding the analysis to discourse-level and pragmatic dimensions to further explore how temporal conceptualization interacts with narrative structure, evaluation, and stance. Select Bibliography Boroditsky, L., & Gaby, “A. Remembrances of Times East: Cultural Influences on the Conceptualization of Time”. Cognitive Science, 2010, 34(2): 215–239. doi.org/10.1111/j.1551-6709.2009.01064.x Comrie, B. Tense. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. doi: 10.1017/CBO9781139165815 Evans, V. Language and time: A cognitive linguistics approach. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012. Kövecses, Z. Where metaphors come from: Reconsidering context in metaphor. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015. Lakoff, G., & Johnson, M. Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980. Langacker, R. W. Foundations of Cognitive Grammar: Theoretical Prerequisites. Stanford University Press, 1987. Langacker, R. W. Foundations of Cognitive Grammar: Descriptive Application. Stanford University Press, 1991. Langacker, R. W. Cognitive Grammar: A Basic Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2008. Reichenbach, H. Elements of Symbolic Logic. New York: Macmillan, 1947. Yu, N. From Body to Meaning in Culture: Papers on Cognitive Semantic Studies of Chinese. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2009. پژوهش حاضر به تحلیل بازنمایی ذهنی و مفهوم‌سازی زمان در زبان فارسی برپایۀ دستور شناختی لانگاکر (1987) می‌پردازد. نگارنده قصد دارد نشان دهد که زمان در زبان پدیده‌ای شناختی، تجربه‌زیسته و فرهنگی است که در قالب ساخت‌های دستوری و گفتمانی شکل می‌گیرد. هدف پژوهش تبیین چگونگی سازمان‌دهی و تصویرسازی زمان در ذهن گویشوران فارسی و شناسایی سازوکارهایی چون اسکن، برنما، نقطۀ ارجاع و زاویۀ دید در پردازش این سازه‌هاست. ماهیتِ روش‌شناختی این پژوهشِ کیفی، توصیفی ـ تحلیلی، و داده‌ها از نمونه‌های واقعی گفتار و نوشتار فارسی گردآوری شده‌است. تحلیل داده‌ها نشان داد که زمان در فارسی از طریق الگوهای استعاری و شناختی متعددی مفهوم‌سازی می‌شود؛ از جمله، زمان به‌عنوان «جریان»، «باد»، «شفابخش»، «حوزۀ کنش»، «میدان قابل برنامه‌ریزی» یا «حجم ادراکی». این بازنمایی‌ها نشان داد که تجربۀ زمانی برای گویشور نه ثابت، بلکه پویا و چندمقیاسی است و زبان با بهره‌گیری از طرحواره‌های تصویری، عاملیت‌بخشی، اسکن پویا و برجسته‌سازی این چندلایگی را برجسته می‌کند. یافته‌ها نشان داد که دستور شناختی قادر است درک عمیق‌تری از سازوکارهای فرهنگی، عاطفی و ادراکیِ دخیل در بازنمایی زمان در فارسی فراهم کند و چشم‌انداز تازه‌ای برای مطالعۀ ساخت‌های زمانی در زبان‌های ایرانی بگشاید.

https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_9307_80ef35b33df63d8c6e8a04aca25d50ee.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 10 1 2025 04 21 A Semantic Study of Modal Verbs in Talysh Language بررسی معنایی فعل‌های وجهی در زبان تالشی 63 80 9081 10.22124/plid.2025.31139.1723 FA شهین شیخ سنگ تجن استادیار زبانشناسی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران نرجس بانو صبوری دانشیار زبانشناسی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2025 07 10 The present study investigates a semantic analysis of modal verbs in Talysh language (Masal dialect) based on Palmer’s theoretical framework (1990). Palmer classified three types of modality: epistemic, deontic and dynamic, each of which can be expressed through two degrees: possibility and necessity. The methodology of this research is descriptive- analytical and data were collected through audio recordings from 7 Talysh native speakers. After data collection, the modal verbs were categorized and analyzed based on Palmer’s classification of modality. The obtained modal verbs include four verbs;” ʃɑ”, “bu”, “bi” and “xɑ”. The results showed that “ʃɑ” and “bu” are used to express epistemic possibility, deontic possibility and dynamic possibility. The modal verb bi indicates epistemic necessity, deontic necessity and dynamic necessity. The last modal verb “xɑ” and its past form” xɑi” are used to express only dynamic possibility. Also two different past forms of “ʃɑ” which are “ʃɑst” and “ʃɑi” indicate only dynamic possibility. Extended Abstract Introduction Modality is a linguistic category that has been examined from various semantic, syntactic, and pragmatic perspectives. It reflects the speaker's attitude toward the proposition. Different linguistic tools are used to express modality, including modal verbs, modal adverbs, and prepositional phrases. Modal verbs carry various meanings and are used in different contexts. In Talysh language, too, modal verbs have diverse meanings and usages. Talysh is a Northwestern Iranian language spoken along the southern shores of the Caspian Sea, extending to the southeastern tip of the Republic of Azerbaijan. Talysh can be divided into three dialects: Northern, Central, and Southern. This article, based on Palmer’s (1990) theoretical framework, examines the semantic features of modal verbs in the Southern Talysh dialect (specifically in Masal and Shanderman). Theoretical Framework Palmer (1990) classifies modality into three types: epistemic, deontic, and dynamic, each with two degrees: possibility and necessity. Epistemic modality conveys the speaker's beliefs, knowledge, and judgments based on evidence, and it is of two types: epistemic possibility and epistemic necessity. In epistemic possibility, which is the weakest and lowest degree, the speaker expresses a deduction based on relatively weak evidence. In epistemic necessity, the speaker is more confident in the truth of the proposition based on the available evidence. Deontic modality relates to actions that are performed either by the speaker or others. It too has two degrees: deontic possibility and deontic necessity. Deontic possibility indicates that an event or action is permitted by the speaker. Deontic necessity implies obligation or imposition by the speaker for the action to occur. Dynamic modality emphasizes the subject's ability, skill, or will to perform an action. In this case, the source of modality lies in the actor or in objective, external conditions—not in the speaker’s judgment or social obligation. Dynamic possibility expresses the potential for an event to occur, without reference to the speaker or subject's agency. Dynamic necessity does not arise from inference (as in epistemic necessity) or obligation (as in deontic necessity), but accompanies an action that is performed without compulsion, i.e., the speaker does not impose it on anyone. Research Methodology This study was conducted using a descriptive-analytical method. Data were collected through audio recordings of 7 native speakers of the Masal dialect of Talysh — 2 men and 5 women aged between 60 and 75. A total of 245 sentences containing modal verbs were extracted from the recorded material. Out of these, 58 Talysh sentences were selected for detailed analysis. Since the recordings, totaling 8 hours, included a variety of topics, all modal verbs used in Talysh were captured. Additionally, the linguistic intuition of one of the authors contributed to the data collection. The extracted sentences were transcribed and analyzed based on Palmer’s (1990) framework. Results and Discussion In this study, Talysh modal verbs were analyzed using Palmer's (1990) framework. The analysis revealed four modal verbs: ʃɑ (can), bu (may/happen), bi (must), and xɑ (want). The first three verbs are more frequently used and show a wider range of meanings. ʃɑ (can) and bu (may) are used to express the three types of possible modality: epistemic, deontic, and dynamic possibility. bi (must) is used to express all three necessary modalities: epistemic, deontic, and dynamic necessity. Xɑ (want) and its past form xɑi are limited in meaning and only express dynamic possibility. The past forms of ʃɑ (can) — ʃɑi and ʃɑst — are also limited to expressing dynamic possibility. From the perspective of inflection, ʃɑ and its past forms (ʃɑi, ʃɑst) as well as xɑ and its past form xɑi are inflectional and conjugate for tense and subject. However, bu and bi are non-inflectional, have fixed forms, and lack personal agreement. Conclusion This article examined the semantic types of modal verbs in the Talysh language. The modal verbs studied include four verbs: ʃɑ (can), bu (may), bi (must), and xɑ (want). ʃɑ and bu express three types of possible modality: epistemic, deontic, and dynamic possibility. Bi expresses all three types of necessary modality: epistemic, deontic, and dynamic necessity. Xɑ and its past form xɑi express only dynamic possibility. The past forms of ʃɑ — ʃɑi and ʃɑst — also represent dynamic possibility. Overall, the three verbs ʃɑ, bu, and bi are the primary modal tools in Talysh. These verbs closely resemble the Persian modal verbs (can), (may/happen), and (must). This study has demonstrated that Talysh modal verbs have similar usages. Furthermore, the verb xɑ is used less frequently compared to the other three modal verbs. Select Bibliography Bybee, J.; Perkins, R. & Pagliuca, W. The Evolution of Grammar, Tense, Aspect and Modality in the Languages of the World. Chicago: University Chicago Press, 1994. Coates, J. The Semantics of the Modal Auxiliaries. London: Croome Helm, 1983. Kratzer, A. “What “Must” and “Can” Must and Can Mean”. Linguistics and Philosophy, 1977, (1): 337-355. Lyons, J. Semantics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977. Narrog, H. On Defining Modality Again. Language Sciences, 2005, (27): 165-192. Nuyts, J. Modality: “Overview and Linguistic Issue”. The Expression of Modality. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2006, pp. 1-26. Palmer, F. R. Modality and the English Modals. NewYork: Routledge, 1990. Palmer, F. R. Mood and Modality, second edition, Cambridge text books in Linguistics: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Portner, P. Modality. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009. Sweetser, E. E. “Root and Epistemic Modals: Causality in Two World”. Berkeley Linguistics Society, 1982, pp. 484-507. در پژوهش حاضر به بررسی معنایی فعلهای وجهی در زبان تالشی (گویش ماسال) براساس چارچوب نظری پالمر (1990) پرداخته شده‌است. پالمر سه نوع وجهیت: معرفتی، الزامی و پویا را مطرح کرده‌است و برای هر یک از این سه نوع، دو درجۀ امکان و ضرورت درنظر گرفته‌است. روش پژوهش حاضر توصیفی- تحلیلی است و داده‌های پژوهش با ضبط صدا از 7 گویشور تالشیزبان بهدست آمده‌است. پس از جمعآوری داده‌ها، نوع وجهیت فعلهای وجهی برپایۀ نظریۀ پالمر طبقهبندی و تحلیل شدند. فعلهای وجهی در این پژوهش عبارتاند از چهار فعل: ʃɑ «توانستن»، bu «می‎شود»، bi «باید» و xɑ «خواستن». نتایج نشان داد که فعل‌های ʃɑ «توانستن» و bu «می‎شود» برای بیان سه وجهیت معرفتی ممکن، الزامی ممکن و پویای ممکن بهکار می‌روند. فعل وجهی bi «باید» بیانگر وجهیت معرفتی ضروری، الزامی ضروری و پویای ضروری است. همچنین فعل وجهی xɑ «خواستن» و صورت گذشتۀ آنxɑi تنها برای بیان وجهیت پویای ممکن کاربرد دارند. دو صورت گذشتۀ فعل ʃɑ «توانستن»، ʃɑi و ʃɑst نیز بیانگر وجهیت پویای ممکن هستند.

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دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 10 1 2025 04 21 The Historical Construction of the Term “Mother Tongue” and Its Opposition to “National Language” in Language Policy برساخت تاریخی اصطلاح «زبان مادری» و تقابل آن با «زبان ملی» در سیاست زبانی 81 104 9263 10.22124/plid.2025.30852.1718 FA عادل محمدی دانش‌آموختۀ دکتری تخصصی زبان‌شناسی، پژوهشگر زبانکدۀ ملی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2025 06 02 The present study investigates the historical and discursive construction of the term “mother tongue” and its opposition to the concept of “national language” within the framework of language policy. Employing a mixed-methods design, it integrates qualitative and quantitative analyses. The qualitative phase draws on Critical Discourse Analysis, while the quantitative phase utilizes quantitative content analysis. The dataset consists of 300 texts, including official documents and media statements by Iranian authorities, collected through purposeful sampling and library research between 2013 and 2024. The findings indicate that the dominant discourse reinforces and institutionalizes the national language through a monolingual ideological framework, while concurrently marginalizing other languages under the label of “mother tongue.” This discursive opposition is not driven solely by linguistic factors at the micro level; rather, it is shaped by macro-level, nonlinguistic dynamics such as power relations and hegemonic structures in language policy. These dynamics contribute to the exclusion and suppression of non-dominant languages from official domains. Extended Abstract Introduction The expression mother tongue is one of the most widely circulated linguistic terms in both formal and informal discourse. Although it carries affective and seemingly neutral connotations, it is rooted in historical and ideological layers associated with marginality, gendered symbolism, and linguistic hierarchies. These meanings have been reinforced through oppositions constructed in language policy, where terms such as national, official, or standard language are elevated while other linguistic varieties are relegated to categories such as local, indigenous, or vernacular. Within Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), language is viewed as a medium through which ideology, power, and domination are reproduced. The binary between mother tongue and national language thus functions as a mechanism of legitimizing one linguistic variety while discursively marginalizing others. This study addresses the problem of how the term mother tongue often taken for granted in previous scholarship operates as a historically constructed category that acquires ideological force through its opposition to national language. By tracing its conceptual development across religious, nationalist, and colonial discourses, the study aims to reveal how mother tongue becomes a discursive tool within modern language policies. Theoretical Framework From a discourse-oriented approach, language policy is shaped within institutional, historical, and political contexts that rationalize dominant ideologies (Reisigl & Wodak, 2009). Language hierarchies are constructed through discourses that promote one language as the national or legitimate code, while others are framed as secondary or marginal (Tollefson, 1991). In CDA, the opposition between the national and the mother tongue is therefore interpreted as a relation of symbolic power. National language is portrayed as a unifying and official medium, whereas mother tongues gradually lose prestige and are confined to non-official spheres. Mother tongue has also been progressively removed from educational domains through what Skutnabb-Kangas (2000) describes as subtractive education, in which learning the official or foreign language occurs at the expense of maintaining the first language. The rise of nationalism intensified this hierarchy, as modern nation-states constructed a national language as a central symbol of identity and authority (Willard, 2001). In the Iranian context, policies of Persian linguistic homogenization have historically marginalized minority languages. This process, documented in media and intellectual discourse since the Pahlavi period, produced a discursive opposition that elevated Persian as the national language while relegating other languages to the private or local sphere. The historical origins of the term mother tongue are also ideologically charged. Medieval evidence suggests that mother tongue referred to the vernacular, associated with the domestic and feminine sphere, while father tongue referred to Latin, associated with authority and literacy (Kluge, 1967; Illich, 1981). This gendered distinction reflects the social structure of medieval Europe, where women were excluded from formal learning. Early meanings of mother tongue therefore conveyed inferiority rather than affection or identity (Haugen, 1991). Due to conceptual inconsistencies, linguists prefer the term first language (L1), which avoids ideological and gendered implications. In multilingual countries such as India or Kenya, mother tongue may refer not to early-acquired language but to ethnic affiliation, further illustrating its ambiguous nature. Terms such as national, standard, and official language similarly carry ideological rather than linguistic meanings. Historically, national languages were institutionalized through coercion and colonial expansion, as seen in the suppression of Gaelic in Ireland, Breton in France, or Catalan in Spain (Anderson, 1983). Through Gramscian hegemony, such linguistic orders become naturalized; speakers gradually internalize the superiority of one language and the inferiority of others, even without direct coercion. Identity formation through language is fluid, situational, and discursively constructed (Hall, 1996; Bucholtz & Hall, 2005). Linguistic identity emerges from the multiplicity of codes individuals use, making fixed or essentialist notions of identity analytically unstable. This view challenges frameworks that equate mother tongue with a singular and stable linguistic identity. Methodology This study adopts a mixed qualitative–quantitative design within the CDA framework to examine the opposition between mother tongue and national language in Iranian language policy discourse. Data consist of headlines, sentences, and textual excerpts from official documents and media sources published between 2013 and 2024. Purposeful sampling was based on relevance to the two focal terms and their discursive salience. Lexical searches were conducted across digital archives, news databases, scholarly platforms, the Parsijoo engine, and a corpus of 300 official and educational documents, following large-scale methodologies used in previous research (Mohammadi 2023/2024). Triangulation ensured analytic reliability. Discussion and Results The quantitative analysis of 300 texts shows that both terms mother tongue and national language appear with high frequency from 2013 to 2024, with mother tongue consistently appearing more often. Its recurrence peaks annually around International Mother Language Day. This pattern indicates heightened discursive sensitivity and ongoing ideological negotiation. After 2018, both terms stabilize as central components of Iranian language policy discourse. The higher frequency of mother tongue suggests increasing contestation and public engagement with linguistic rights and diversity. Conclusions The findings show that mother tongue is not a neutral linguistic term but a historically and ideologically constructed category shaped by gendered, nationalistic, and colonial discourses. In Iranian policy discourse, mother tongue is framed as emotional, regional, and culturally local, while national language (Persian) is portrayed as standardized, scientific, and legitimate. This framing legitimizes the dominance of Persian in education and administration while marginalizing minority languages. Although mother tongue appears frequently in public discourse, its usage is often symbolic rather than policy-oriented. The opposition between mother tongue and national language is therefore rooted in extralinguistic ideologies of homogenization and state-building. A shift toward multilingual policy frameworks is essential for strengthening linguistic justice, social cohesion, and cultural inclusion in a multilingual society. Select Bibliography Anderson, B. Imagined Communities. London and New York: Verso, 1983. Ansaldo, U. Identity alignment and language creation in multilingual communities. Language Sciences, 2010, 32: 615-623. Bechhofer, F. McCrone, D. Kiely R. & Stewart, R. Constructing National Identity: Arts and Landed Elites in Scotland. Sociology, 1999, 35(1): 195-199. Blommaert, J. Discourse: A critical introduction. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2005. Bloomfield, L. Language. New York, NY: Henry Holt and Company, 1933. Bourdieu, P. Language and Symbolic Power. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991. Brubaker, R. & Cooper, F. Beyond “Identity”. Theory and Society, 2000, 29(1): 1-47. Ghafar‑Samar, R., Mokhtarnia, Sh., Akbari, R., & Kiani, G. “Linguistic Ideology in Language Education: The Position of Mother Tongue in Learning and Using English in Iran.” Foreign Languages Linguistic Research, 2013, 3(2): 243–262. [In Persian]. Mohammadi, A. “Examining Accent Discrimination in the Media Based on Racial–Linguistic Ideologies.” Linguistic Essays, 2025. Retrieved from https://lrr.modares.ac.ir/article_24004.html Mohammadi, A. Misconceptions About Language. Stockholm: 49Books, 2023. [In Persin]. Mohammadi, A. Analysis of Common Metaphors Surrounding Linguistic Diversity in the Minds of Social Actors. Literary Discourse Analysis, 2025, 2(3): 101-123. [In Persin] doi: 10.22034/lda.2025.143402.1042. Yarigholi, B. and Monsefi, R. Investigating the Concept of Mother Tongue in the Educational Documents and Examining its Manifestation in Society Based on the Critical Discourse Analysis Approach. Language Research, 2024, 14(2): 131-160. [In Persin] doi: 10.22059/jolr.2024.362434.666850. پژوهش حاضر با هدف واکاوی خاستگاه تاریخی و گفتمانی به اصطلاح «زبان مادری» و نحوۀ تقابل آن با «زبان ملی» در سیاست زبانی انجام شده‌است. روش پژوهش ترکیبی از نوع کیفی ـ کمی است. در بخش کیفی، با بهره‌گیری از تحلیل گفتمان انتقادی به بررسی داده‌ها پرداخته می‌شود و در بخش کمی، از تحلیل محتوای آماری استفاده می‌گردد. داده‌ها برگرفته از 300 متن، اعم از اظهارات رسانهای مقامات و اسناد رسمی در ایران‌اند که با شیوۀ کتابخانهای در بازۀ زمانی سالهای (1392- 1403) به‌صورت هدفمند گردآوری شده‌است. یافتهها نشانگر آن است که گفتمان حاکم، زبان ملی را بر پایۀ ایدئولوژی تکزبانی برجسته و تثبیت میسازد و در مقابل، زبانهای دیگر را تحت عنوان «زبان مادری» کمرنگ و به حاشیه می‌راند. این تقابل در سطح خُرد صرفا ریشه در عوامل زبانی محض ندارد؛ بلکه در سطح کلان، به عوامل فرازبانی مانند مناسبات قدرت، تسلط گفتمانی و ایدئولوژی زبان معیار در سیاست زبانی گره خورده‌است که به حذف و طرد زبان‌های دیگر از حوزه‌های رسمی دامن می‌زند.

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دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 10 1 2025 04 21 Differences In the Past, Present and Imperative Tense Markers in The Khānik Dialect and Their Variations in Form and Position Compared to Standard Persian اختلاف شناسه‌های ماضی و مضارع در گویش خانیکی و تفاوت شکل و جایگاه آن با فارسی معیار 105 130 9143 10.22124/plid.2025.29857.1712 FA زهرا اختیاری استاد گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران Journal Article 2025 03 06 Inflectional suffixes vary in past and present tenses among inhabitants of historical Khānik willage of Gonabad. This study has been based on the analysis of the interviews done with the dialect speakers. Data from the Iliterate speakers in the village of Khānik were collected and then written down and analyzed. The purpose is to introduce identifiers, which is older than the oldest existing texts of the Persian language. The ultimate outcome goes, "in Khānik dialect, inflectional suffixes fall into past and present categories. The third person for all the past tenses and for all verbs in the Khānikin dialect have inflectional suffix. Interestingly, third singular person in simple past of this dialect has inflectional suffix while some researchers believe, inflectional suffix of third singular person for simple past form of all Persian verbs is a zero one. Besides common use of third singular person verbs with inflectional suffix in simple past tense, present perfect structures are also commonly used. The other noteworthy point in the Khānikin dialect is the fluctuating place of the inflectional suffix. This inflectional suffix's place varies in present perfect, past perfect, passive and negative voice of some verbs Extended Abstract Introduction In the dialect spoken in the village of Khānik (Gonabad, Iran), verbal person marking (suffixes) differs across past, present and imperative constructions. The existence of multiple types of person markers represents one of the main distinctions between this dialect and Standard Persian. Furthermore, in past tense constructions, the position of the person marker may vary. Notably, the third person singular in the past tense takes the marker [eʃ]. Research Questions are as follows: Do the person markers in the past and present tense verbs of the Khānik dialect differ from each other and from those in Standard Persian? Do all third-person singular past tense verbs in the Khānik dialect take a person marker, and if so, how? How and under what conditions does the displacement of the person marker (ergativity) occur in the Khānik dialect? Hypotheses are: In the Khānik dialect, person markers in the past and present tenses differ both from each other and from those in Standard Persian. All third-person singular past tense verbs take a person marker. In this dialect, the person marker in past tense verbs sometimes occurs not at the end of the verb, but at the end of another constituent of the clause (ergative alignment). Iran Kalbasi, in her article “The Role and Position of Verbal Agreement Markers and Enclitic Pronouns in Iranian Dialects”, classifies the Khānik dialect as belonging to the group of ergative dialects (Kalbasi, 2002, pp. 77–102). Zahra Ekhtiari has written several books and articles on the Khānik dialect (see Ekhtiari, 2014a; 2014b; 2009, pp. 1–21; 2012, pp. 29–50; 2017). Theoretical Framework Data collection was carried out following the principles of traditional dialectology. Questionnaires were completed based on Zomorrodian’s Guide to the Collection and Description of Dialects. Methodology Interviews with native speakers were conducted, and their speech was recorded unobtrusively. The recorded material was transcribed, and verbs derived from simple, prefixed, transitive, intransitive, active, passive and negative infinitives were conjugated across different tenses. Sentences containing verbs of various tenses were analyzed, and the person markers were then examined in detail. The author is herself a native speaker of Khānik and consulted her late parents, who were also fluent speakers of the dialect. Results & Discussion In the Khānik dialect, person markers are divided into two categories: past and present. The past tense endings are as follows: ʊm (first person singular) mæ (first person plural) et (second person singular) tæ (second person plural) eʃ (third person singular) ʃæ (third person plural) The present tense endings are as follows: ʊm (first person singular) em (first person plural) i (second person singular) æ (second person plural) æt (third person singular) æn (third person plural) Among the past and present tense verbs, only the first-person singular ending [ʊm] is shared. In this dialect, all the grammatical tenses of Standard Persian are in use, except for the progressive aspect. Moreover, there are certain tenses used by the people of Khānik that do not exist in Standard Persian (see Ekhtiari, 2015, pp. 29–47). The Third-Person Singular Past Marker In Standard Persian, “all verbal constructions take a person marker except for the third-person singular of the simple past tense and the second-person singular imperative” (Farshidvard, 2001, pp. 131). One of the major distinctions between the Khānik dialect and Standard Persian lies in the fact that in Khānik, all third-person singular past tense verbs take the marker [ʃ], e.g., [be-ræfte=ʃ] (he/she went). Positional Variability of Person Markers The Khānik dialect exhibits partial ergativity. In past tense constructions, the person marker (as a clitic) often appears at the end of constituents other than the main verb: Example Gloss ɑ:w=ʊm xɑ: “I drank water” ɑ:w=mæ xɑ: “We drank water” ɑ:w=et xɑ: “You (sg.) drank water” ɑ:w=tæ xɑ: “You (pl.) drank water” ɑ:w=eʃ xɑ: “He/She drank water” ɑ:w=ʃæ xɑ: “They drank water” The displacement of the person marker depends on several factors: the polarity (affirmative or negative) of the verb, its transitivity (active/passive), and whether the verb is simple or prefixed. The position also varies when the clause contains additional elements besides the verb. Verbs derived from the infinitive [mæ:jstæ:] were excluded from this analysis, as they were discussed in detail elsewhere (Ekhtiari, 2017). Negation Negation in Khānik is formed with [næ] or [mæ], e.g., [vær-mæ: gærd] “don’t return”, [vær-mæ: gærdæ] “don’t return (pl.)”. Imperative Imperative verbs are formed, as in Standard Persian, for the second person singular and plural. In first-person imperatives, the marker often appears through the deletion of final letters of the stem, while in the plural form, the vowel [æ] is typically added to the end of the present stem: Formation rule for second-person plural imperative: (be + present stem + [æ]) Examples: benʃi “sit (sg.)” benʃinæ “sit (pl.)” Conclusions & Suggestions This study was conducted primarily through interviews with elderly speakers of the Khānik village dialect. After eliciting and conjugating a range of verbs, the person markers were systematically analyzed. The findings reveal several noteworthy and previously undocumented features, including: (1) the existence of two distinct sets of person markers for the past and present tenses, and (2) the occurrence of person markers in past tense verbs occasionally appearing at the end of a non-verbal constituent (i.e., in the Wackernagel position). Also, in present tense verbs, the position of the person marker corresponds to that of Standard Persian. In second-person singular imperatives, the marker appears through deletion of final letters of the stem, while in the plural it is formed by adding [æ] to the end of the present stem. A major distinction from Standard Persian, though attested in Old Persian and certain modern dialects, is that all third-person singular past tense verbs in Khānik take the marker [ʃ]. The perfect tense, like other past tenses, is fully productive in this dialect. perfect, passive and negative voice of some verbs. Select Bibliography Baker, Mark C. The Syntax of Agreement and Concord. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008. Comrie, Bernard. “Ergativity”, In Lehmann, Winfred P. (ed.), Syntactic Typology: Studies in the Phenomenology of Language. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1978, Pp. 329-394. Etehadi, H. “The Importance of Sistani Dialect Words and Compounds in Persian Literary Texts”, Persian Language and Iranian Dialects, 2023, 2 (16): 125-141. [In Persian] 10.22124/plid.2024.26400.1659 Ekhteyari, Z. “Analysis of some words from Beihaqi’s History”, Zaban va adabeyat e Farsi daneshkade adabeyat e Tabriz, 2009, 209 (52): 1-21. [In Persian] Ekhteyari, Z. “Description of Infinitive “æ:h” in Khāniki Dialect and a Comparison with other Dialects”. Zabanshenasi va Guyeshhay Khorasan, 2012, 1 (6): 29-50 [In Persian]. 10.22067/lj.v4i6.20365 Ekhteyari, Z. “Future Perfect and a few rare tenses in the Khānikian dialect”. Zabanshenasi va Guyeshhay Khorasan, 2016, (12): 29-47. [In Persian] 10.22067/lj.v7i12.50804 Ekhteyari, Z. “Rare infinitive constructions of "mæ:jstæ:" in the Khāniki dialect”. Language Related Research, 2019 48: 267- 295. [In Persian] Etehadi, H. “The Importance of Sistani Dialect Words and Compounds in Persian Literary Texts”, Persian Language and Iranian Dialects, 2023, 2 (16): 125-141. [In Persian] Yahaqhi. M.J. A Dictionary of Tun (Ferdows) Dialect. Tehran: Farhangestan e zaban va adab e farsi, 2017. [In Persian] شناسههای فعلهای ماضی و مضارع در گویش مردم روستای خانیک گناباد، با هم تفاوت دارد، جز اول شخص مفرد که مشترک است. شناسهها با فارسی معیار نیز اختلاف دارد. روش این پژوهش توصیفی - تحلیلی است که مواد آن براساس گفت‌وگو با گویشوران کهن‌سال و اغلب بیسواد مقیم روستای خانیک جمعآوری و سپس گفتههای آنان تجزیهوتحلیل شد. هدف معرفی شناسهها در گویش خانیک است. گویش فارسی خانیک از کهنترین متن‌های موجود زبان فارسی، قدیمیتر است. اهمِ نتایج چنین است: در گویش خانیک شناسهها به دو گروه ماضی و مضارع تقسیم میشود. شناسه در فعلهای امر هم متفاوت با فارسی معیار و شناسههای گویش است. سوم شخص مفرد فعلهای ماضی در این گویش شناسه دارد و این ویژگی‌گویش ناقضِ نوشتة محققانی است که شناسة سوم شخص مفرد در زمان گذشتة سادة کلیة افعال ایرانی را صفر (ø) دانستهاند. در برخی سازههای جمله، محل شناسه تغییر میکند و بعد از پیشوند فعلی، قید، صفت، اسم و حرف اضافه میآید یا در آغاز فعل و گاه پیش از فعل کمکی قرار میگیرد. از این جهت با فارسی معیار اختلافات عمدهای دارد.

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دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 10 1 2025 04 21 A Reflection on the Reasons for Misattributed Poems in Persian Poetry تأملی در چراییِ انتساب‌های مغشوش شعر فارسی 131 147 9172 10.22124/plid.2025.30018.1710 FA امین یعقوبی(ماریف) دانش‌آموختۀ دکتری زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه لرستان، خرم‌آباد، ایران. مهدی دهقان کارشناس ارشد زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تبریز، تبریز، ایران. Journal Article 2025 03 03 The role of poetic anthologies (Jongs), biographical dictionaries (“Tazkerehs”), and ancient manuscripts in correcting texts and retrieving poets' works is undeniable. However, these very sources, which can even revive the divan of a forgotten poet, are themselves the origin of serious issues regarding the correct attribution of poems. The extent of these issues is directly dependent on the degree of reliability and authenticity of each manuscript. This research, with a descriptive-analytical approach, investigates the roots of "misattributions" in these texts attributions that are primarily based on non-critical and conjectural grounds, including: a poet's fame in specific poetic forms and styles, nominal (or pen-name) similarities, unconscious repetition and imitation of later sources, inaccurate citations in prose texts, deliberate forgery, and additions by scribes. Given that a significant number of newly found poems and ambiguous attributions have entered the accepted corpus of poets through this channel, this study emphasizes the necessity for greater scholarly caution by editors and researchers when utilizing these sources. Extended Abstract Introduction Poetic biographical dictionaries (“Tazkerehs”) and anthologies (“Safinehs”) play a significant role in recording poets' works and validating our literary history. From the pioneering Lobab-al-Albab to later Tazkerehs and poetic anthologies, each has contributed immensely to the richness of Persian literature. Although these Tazkerehs and Safinehs are not of equal status in terms of antiquity, textual authenticity, and calligraphic art, regardless of their reliability, they must be examined and studied meticulously. It is evident that Tazkerehs and poetic anthologies have drawn from one another, with ample historical evidence supporting this. For instance, the influence of Lobab-al-Albab on subsequent Tazkerehs cannot be easily overlooked. Furthermore, the influence of ancient sources on later Tazkerehs is undeniable. This practice was also common among compilers of poetic anthologies, who sometimes used earlier anthologies to collect poems. These mutual influences have undoubtedly, in some cases, led to the repetition of errors. Manuscripts of poets' works are not immune to these issues either. Many errors, based on scribal mistakes, have found their way into manuscripts and persisted in other copies. Examining these shortcomings requires profound attention to the antiquity of manuscripts and literary history. We often encounter poems not found in any manuscript attributed to the poet. The authors of this research believe that before considering these poems as newly discovered, they should be cautiously examined, and their attribution should be doubted; because if the poem truly belonged to the poet, it should logically have been recorded in at least one manuscript. For single-copy texts, there is often no choice but to cautiously accept the attributions, provided they do not conflict with other sources. When dealing with poets without a divan or single-copy works, the only option is trust albeit conditional. Therefore, correcting and analyzing these texts requires deep precision, and the mere presence of a poem in a text is not definitive proof of its correct attribution to the poet. Theoretical Framework The present study is an effort to identify potential flaws in poetic Tazkerehs, Safinehs, and manuscripts. This research attempts, by citing several examples of attributions from various poetic Tazkerehs and Safinehs (not focusing on a specific one), to examine and analyze them, demonstrating the extent to which one can rely on and trust the "newly discovered" nature of poems and the attributions in these texts. In this regard, and under several headings, incongruous attributions in Persian poetry and the reasons for their formation will be investigated. Research Method This research aims to address this important issue using a descriptive-analytical method, by citing poetic examples from various anthologies (“Jongs”) and examining and analyzing them, to determine whether the mere mention of an attribution in poetic anthologies can serve as a basis for citation and trust or not. 4.Findings Based on misattributions, this study concluded that a portion of misattributed Persian poems have occurred for several reasons. The most important identified reasons are as follows: A poet's fame in specific poetic forms: Sometimes a poet's renown for composing in a particular form (especially Qet'eh and Roba'i) has led scribes or Tazkereh writers to mistakenly attribute similar poems to them. Nominal similarity: The similarity of names among some poets has led to the mixing of works and incorrect attributions. Stylistic proximity: The similarity of a work's style to that of a famous poet has been another reason for erroneous attributions. Imitation of prior sources: several errors have been repeated and solidified due to the uncritical copying and adherence to previous Safinehs and Tazkerehs. Deliberate forgery and distortion: In some cases, intentional tampering with poems and their forgery has fueled the spread of incorrect attributions. Interference by scribes and owners: Later additions and alterations made by scribes or owners of manuscripts have been other contributing factors to these errors. Conclusion Through examining primary poetic sources meticulously, including Tazkerehs, Safinehs, and manuscripts, this research clearly shows that these valuable treasures, despite their importance in transmitting the heritage of Persian poetry, are not free from flaws and errors. Therefore, absolute and uncritical trust in the newly found items and attributions contained within them can lead to misinterpretations and distortions of literary history. The results of this study emphasize the necessity for a cautious approach by editors and researchers and insist that engagement with manuscript texts must be accompanied by a critical and methodological perspective. Thus, to achieve more correct and reliable texts, editors must examine the attribution of poems with care and scrutiny beyond their mere presence in an ancient source, relying on multiple valid pieces of evidence. Select Bibliography Āzar Bigdeli, L. Ātaškade-ye Āzar, With an introduction, index, and annotations by Sayyed Jaʿfar Shahidi. Muʿassase-ye Našr-e Ketāb Publications. (Original work published 1337 AH), 1958. [In Persian] Al-Maltawi, M. (c. 14th century). Anis al-Khalwa wa Jalīs al-Salwa, Manuscript No. 1670, Ayasofya Library, Istanbul. [Manuscript]. [In Persian] Ebn Yamīn Faryūmadī, M. (c. 16th century CE). Moqattaʿāt-e Ebn Yamin Faryumadi, Manuscript No. 4300, Ayasofya Library, scribe Darvīsh Mahmūd bin ʿAbdollāh Naqqāsh, [Manuscript]. [In Persian] Eʿtemād al-Salṭana, M. Khayrāt Ḥesān, Lithograph print, No. 5871, National Library of Iran, 1877. [In Persian] Khayyām, O. (1461). Robāʿiyyāt-e Khayyām, No. 140, Bodleian Library, Oxford, scribe Sheikh Mahmūd Yarbūdāqī. [Manuscript]. [In Persian] Khayyām, O. Hakim Omar Khayyām va Robāʿiyyāt-e Ū, by Yegāni. Serial Publications of the Anjoman-e Āsār-e Melli, 1963. [In Persian] Rashīdī Tabrīzī, Y. Robāʿiyyāt-e Khayyām (Tarabkhāne), Edited by Jalāl al-Dīn Homāʾī. Tehran, Našr-e Homā, 2nd edition, 1988. [In Persian] Ṣabā, M. Tazkere-ye Rūz-e Rowshan, Edited with annotations by Mohammad-Ḥoseyn Roknzāde Ādamiyat. Ketābkhāne-ye Rāzī, 1964. [In Persian] Safavī, S. Tohfat-e Sāmī, Edited and collated by Vahīd Dastgerdī. Tehran: Maṭbaʿa-ye Armaghān, 1935. [In Persian] ʿAlīshīr Navāʾī, A. Tazkere-ye Majālis al-Nafāʾis, Edited by ʿAlī-Aṣḡar Ḥekmat. Tehran: Ketābforūšī-ye Manūchehrī, 1984. [In Persian] نقش جُنگها، تذکره‌ها و دست‌نویس‌های کهن در تصحیح متون و بازیابی اشعار شاعران، انکارنشدنی است. اما همین منابع که می‌توانند حتی دیوان یک شاعر فراموششده را احیا کنند، خود منشأ آسیب‌های جدی در انتساب درست اشعار هستند. میزان این آسیب‌ها بهطور مستقیم به درجۀ اعتبار و اصالت هر نسخه وابسته ‌است. این پژوهش با رویکردی توصیفی ـ تحلیلی به واکاوی ریشه‌های «انتساب‌های مغشوش» در این متون می‌پردازد؛ انتساب‌هایی که عمدتا بر مبنایی غیرانتقادی و حدسی، ازجمله شهرت شاعر در قالب‌ها و سبک‌های خاص شعری، تشابه اسمی (و تخلص شاعری)، تکرار و تقلید ناآگاهانه از منابع متأخر، استنادهای نادقیق در متون نثر، جعل عامدانه و افزوده‌های کاتبان شکل گرفته‌اند. با توجه به اینکه شمار چشمگیری از اشعار نویافته و انتساب‌های مبهم از این مجرا به متن مقبول شاعران راه یافته‌اند، این پژوهش بر ضرورت احتیاط پژوهشی بیشترِ مصححان و محققان در بهره‌گیری از این منابع تأکید می‌کند.

https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_9172_5c07e65668fb879a5d67a1d9d5aba215.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 10 1 2025 04 21 The Prosodic Typology of the Phonological Word in the Yazdi Variety of Persian: An Acoustic Approach ردۀ نوایی واژۀ واجی در گونۀ یزدی از زبان فارسی: پژوهشی صوت‌شناختی 149 173 9144 10.22124/plid.2025.30740.1716 FA گلناز مدرسی قوامی دانشیار گروه زبان‌شناسی دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران انیس معصومی دانش آموختۀ دکتری گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ زبان فارسی و زبان‌های خارجه، دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2025 05 21 Different varieties of a language can belong to different prosodic types. Standard Persian (SP) has been classified as a stress accent language based on three acoustic parameters: a) the acoustic correlates of prominent syllables, b) prominence in focal constituents, and c) stress hierarchies. This study hypothesized that Yazdi Persian, with perceptually different word-level prominence pattern, might belong to a different prosodic type. Previous studies disagree on the position of word-level stress and its acoustic correlates in Yazdi. Using the same parameters applied to SP, this study examined the prominence pattern and prosodic typology of Yazdi. An analysis of nonce words in post-focal contexts showed that, despite deaccentuation, the duration of initial and final vowels was significantly higher than the other vowels, forming a “hammock” or edge-prominence pattern. To probe further, focal constructions were analyzed. Results showed that the penultimate vowel—rather than the first or fourth vowel, consistently had higher F0 values. This challenges the principle of culminativity. We argue that the hammock pattern of edge vowels marks word boundary, while increased F0 on the penultimate syllable in focal contexts reflects post-lexical prominence. These findings suggest that the Yazdi variety of Persian belongs to a non-stress accent type. Extended Abstract Introduction The Yazdi variety of Persian presents a particularly interesting case for prosodic typology, as it differs perceptually from Standard Persian (SP) in its stress and prominence patterns. Previous studies have characterized SP as a stress accent language, based on acoustic evidence (Sadeghi, 2018; Masoumi, 2021). Previous research on Yazdi reported conflicting findings: some studies identify initial stress, while others argue for penultimate stress placement. These inconsistencies raise broader questions about whether Yazdi belongs to the stress accent type or whether it exhibits characteristics of a non-stress accent system. The present study contributes to this debate by employing an acoustic approach to analyze word-level prominence in Yazdi. Theoretical Framework This study situates itself within the framework of word-level prosodic typology, which distinguishes between stress accent and non-stress accent language types (Hyman, 2006) which are different in their acoustic, phonological, and perceptual features (Masoumi, 2022). The three acoustic features are (i) the acoustic correlates of prominent syllables, (ii) the prominence pattern of focused constituents, and (iii) stress hierarchies. Within this framework, the present study analyzes Yazdi to determine whether its word-level prominence patterns show the characteristics of stress accent systems or deviate towards a non-stress accent type. Methodology Vowels that occur in focal position carry pitch accent, and by comparing different vowels of each word in this position, one can examine the prominence pattern of focal constituents. On the other hand, vowels in the post-focal position provide some information about parameters including acoustic correlates of prominent syllables, and stress hierarchies. More specifically, vowels in post-focal position lack post-lexical prominence due to deaccentuation; therefore, it is possible to determine the acoustic correlates of lexical stress—provided that the language in question belongs to the stress accent type. The research adopts a quantitative and experimental design. Participants included nine female and eight male native speakers of Yazdi Persian, aged between 25 and 51. Stimuli consisted of two four-syllable nonce words ([sɑʃɑsɑʃɑ] and [saʃasaʃa]) designed to control for vowel quality and syllable structure, alongside two real words of varying syllable counts ([ʔɑ'luʧe] “plum” and [ʔadɛ'bijɑt] “literature”). Each stimulus was embedded within carrier sentences that elicited both focal and post-focal contexts. Recordings were made under controlled conditions and using the Django open-source web framework, which is written in Python. Prior to the experiment, participants were instructed to respond naturally in Yazdi Persian. In the next phase, the recorded data were segmented and acoustically analyzed using Praat software (Boersma & Weenik, 2023). The acoustic analyses focused on vowel duration, intensity, and F0. Statistical analysis was conducted in RStudio, where ANOVA tests were implemented to identify significant differences across syllables, followed by pairwise comparisons for finer distinctions. Results & Discussion Data analysis reveals a consistent hammock pattern (Zonneveld, 1982) of vowel duration across both nonce and real words in the Yazdi variety. In post-focal contexts, initial and final vowels exhibited significantly longer durations than medial vowels, while intensity and F0 showed no significant differences. This edge-prominence pattern (Moskal, 2011) suggests that duration functions less as a stress correlate and more as a boundary marker, signaling word edges. The hammock pattern has also been documented in Armenian and Canadian French, where edge syllables are prominent. In focal contexts, however, the penultimate syllable of Yazdi data consistently shows increased F0, even though edge syllables retain their greater duration. The longer duration of word edge vowels in both focal and post-focal positions confirms its role as a boundary marker for phonological words, indicating that this edge-prominence is not related to word stress. Moreover, in focal positions, the higher F0 of the penultimate syllable contradicts the principle of culminativity expected in stress accent systems. According to this principle, in stress accent systems, syllables that are prominent at the lexical level are also expected to attract prominence post-lexically. Conclusions & Suggestions This study demonstrates that Yazdi Persian diverges from SP by exhibiting properties of a non-stress accent system. Edge syllable lengthening serves as a boundary cue rather than a lexical stress marker, while prominence under focus consistently targets the penultimate syllable, reflecting post-lexical rather than lexical prominence. These findings challenge earlier claims of initial or penultimate lexical stress in Yazdi and instead position the variety as a non-stress accent system. By situating Yazdi within the stress vs. non-stress accent debate, this research not only refines our understanding of Persian prosodic variation but also contributes to the larger cross-linguistic project of word-prosodic typology. Select Bibliography Fatahi Marnani, P. Comparing Stress in Isfahani and Yazdi Varieties: An Acoustic Approach. MA Thesis. Tehran: Allameh Tabataba’i University. 2013. [In Persian] Hayes, B. P. Metrical Stress Theory: Principles and Case Studies. University of Chicago Press. 1995. Hyman, L. M. Word-prosodic typology. Phonology, 2006, 23(2): 225-257. Ladefoged, P. A Course in Phonetics (5th ed.). Boston: Heinle. 2005. Masoumi, A. Analyzing two Persian Varieties from a Prosodic Typology Point of View. Ph.D. Dissertation. Tehran: Allameh Tabataba’i University. 2022. [In Persian] Naghiboghora, S. A. Analyzing Yazdi Dialect. MA Thesis. Tehran: Allameh Tabataba’i University. 1996. [In Persian] Sadeghi, V. The Prosodic Structure of the Persian Language: Lexical Stress and Intonation. Tehran: SAMT. 2018. [In Persian] Vogel, I., Athanasopoulou, A. and Pincus, N. Prominence, contrast, and the Functional Load Hypothesis: An acoustic investigation. In J. Heinz, R. Goedemans, & H. Van der Hulst (Eds.), Dimensions of Phonological Stress, 2016, (pp. 123-167). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Zare, A. A. A Comparative Analysis of Stress and Intonation in Yazdi and Standard Persian Dialects of Persian. MA Thesis. Tehran: Central branch of the Islamic Azad University. 2002. [In Persian] Zonneveld, R. van. Met een Ritmische Hangmat in de Metrische Boom. TABU, 1982, 12: 68–85. گونه‌های هر زبان می‌توانند از منظر رده‌شناسی نوایی رفتاری متفاوت داشته باشند. فارسی معیار براساس سه مؤلفۀ صوت‌شناختی همبسته‌های صوت‌شناختی هجاهای برجسته، چگونگی برجستگی سازه‌های کانونی و درجات تکیه در ردۀ زبان‌های تکیه‌ای قرار گرفته‌است. فرض آن است که گونۀ یزدی که متفاوت با فارسی معیار به گوش می‌رسد، در ردۀ نوایی متفاوتی نسبت‌به فارسی معیار قرار می‌گیرد. پژوهش‌های پیشین درمورد جایگاه تکیۀ واژه و همبسته‌های صوت‌شناختی در گونۀ یزدی اختلاف‌نظر دارند. در پژوهش حاضر، با استفاده از مؤلفه‌های صوت‌شناختی که برای تعیین ردۀ نوایی فارسی معیار استفاده شده، به بررسی الگوی برجستگی و ردۀ نوایی در گونۀ یزدی پرداخته شده‌است. بررسی ناواژه‌ها در وضعیت پساکانونی نشان داد به‌رغم خنثی‌شدن تکیۀ زیروبمی، دیرش واکه‌های آغازین و پایانی افزایشی معناداری دارد و شاهد الگوی گهواره‌ای هستیم. به‌منظور بررسی دقیق‌تر، سازه‌های کانونی بررسی شدند. نتایج نشان داد واکه‌ای که بسامد پایۀ بیشتری دارد، واکۀ پیش‌پایانی است و نه یکی از واکه‌های اول و چهارم. این وضعیت در تناقض با اصل انباشتگی تکیه است. نگارندگان بر این باورند که الگوی گهواره‌ای واکه‌های لبه نقش مرزنمایی دارد و افزایش بسامد پایه در هجای پیش‌پایانی سازه‌های کانونی برجستگی پساواژگانی است. نتایج این پژوهش نشانگر غیرتکیه‌ای‌بودن گونۀ یزدی است.

https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_9144_697cc5c124913242aa075e64eb896472.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 10 1 2025 12 22 Assessing the Endangerment Status of the Hamadani Dialect ارزیابی وضعیت درخطربودن گویش همدانی 175 192 9338 10.22124/plid.2026.32466.1737 FA مهرداد مشکین فام استادیار، گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀعلوم انسانی، دانشگاه بوعلی‌سینا، همدان، ایران. Journal Article 2025 12 05 This paper aims to assess the endangerment level of the Hamadani dialect, a variety of Persian spoken in the city of Hamedan in northwestern Iran, using the Language Endangerment Index of the Endangered Languages Project, as introduced by Lee and Van Way (2016). The index evaluates four factors: intergenerational transmission, absolute number of speakers, speaker number trends, and domains of use. To determine the numerical ratings for these factors, using a qualitative method we conducted semi-structured interviews with fourteen Hamadani speakers and complemented these with empirical observations. Our findings indicate that the Hamadani dialect falls into the “severely endangered” category. This status is largely driven by issues of linguistic prestige because younger speakers perceive the dialect as ‘‘lacking social status’’ and generally avoid using it, opting instead to replace it entirely with Standard Persian rather than maintaining it in parallel. Given the significant consequences of language and dialect loss, and the importance of preserving and promoting local linguistic varieties alongside the national and official language, the Hamadani dialect requires urgent attention. Extended Abstract Introduction Over time, some languages are no longer acquired as a first language by children within a speech community and, as a result, gradually lose their speakers to the point that they are considered completely extinct and no longer used. Such languages are referred to as ‘‘endangered languages’’. The process of language extinction typically occurs in such a way that older members of a speech community continue to speak the endangered variety, while younger members move toward ‘‘language shift’’, that is, toward speaking languages with greater social power. Linguistic diversity can be observed to varying degrees throughout the world. However, every human society composed of diverse speech communities requires a single language as a lingua franca and official language in order to maintain unity and enable communication. For example, in Iran, which is a treasure of languages and dialects, the strengthening and expansion of Persian as a lingua franca, a language of science, and the national and official language is undeniable; nevertheless, alongside this, the preservation and promotion of local languages are of great importance. These two processes are never in conflict with one another; rather, they are complementary and arise from the nature of human life. Languages and dialects are considered intangible cultural heritage of human society, and their extinction entails irreparable consequences. On this basis, assessing the degree of endangerment of languages and dialects has several advantages that contribute to the preservation of local languages. For this reason, the present study assesses the level of endangerment of the Hamadani dialect. The Hamadani dialect is spoken in the city of Hamadan, located on the slopes of the Alvand mountain range, at an altitude of 1,877 meters above sea level, at approximately 35°14′ north latitude and 48°31′ east longitude. Theoretical Framework Lee and Van Way (2016) elaborate on the Language Endangerment Index within the context of the Endangered Languages Project. They address the most important question ‘‘how should the level of language endangerment be assessed?’’ in relation to the implementation of an endangered languages catalogue. Accordingly, this project employs four factors to assess the degree of language endangerment: intergenerational transmission, absolute number of speakers, speaker number trends, and domains of use. Each of these four factors is measured on a scale from zero to five, with each value associated with a specific description. Based on these factors, a linguistic variety may be classified as ‘‘endangered’’ if: Intergenerational Transmission: if a language is not being learned by children in the traditional way, passed on from one generation to the next, it is likely doomed to extinction unless revitalization efforts prove successful. The greater the degree of intergenerational transmission, the more likely the language’s survival. Absolute Number of Speakers: in very general terms, the fewer the number of speakers, the less likely the language’s long-term survival. Speaker Number Trends: the more rapidly the number of speakers decreases, the more endangered the language is. Domains of Use: the more the domains in which the language is used are reduced, the greater its endangerment becomes. The method for calculating the degree of endangerment of a linguistic variety based on these factors is as follows: Level of endangerment = {[(intergenerational transmission score x 2) + absolute number of speakers score + speaker number trends score + domains of use score]/total possible score based on number of factors used} x 100 Methodology To determine the numerical value of each of these factors, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 14 speakers of the Hamadani dialect until theoretical saturation was reached. The average age of the interviewees was 44 years, and all were born in the city of Hamadan and reported the Hamadani dialect as their first language. However, the first language of younger individuals tends to be more closely aligned with Standard Persian, although their parents speak the Hamadani dialect. Efforts were made to select at least three participants from each generational group i.e., children, adults, and grandparents. Since the author himself is a speaker of the dialect and a resident of the city of Hamadan, interviewees were selected through in-person contact, and prior background knowledge of the dialect greatly facilitated the conducting of the study and the analysis of the interview data. In the semi-structured interviews, based on the language endangerment assessment scales, the following questions were posed to the speakers regarding the Hamadani dialect: Do all individuals such as young, children, and elderly in the city of Hamadan speak the Hamadani dialect? What proportion of the community speaks the Hamadani dialect, and is this proportion increasing or decreasing? In which situations such as the bazar, formal settings, schools, and others is Hamadani spoken? In addition to the interviews, and drawing on personal experience with the Hamadani dialect, the author observed speakers’ linguistic behavior in various contexts within the Hamadani speech community in order to provide more precise assessments for each indicator. Furthermore, during the interviews, whenever participants indicated any degree of non-use of the Hamadani dialect, the following question was asked: Why do individuals refrain from speaking the Hamadani dialect? Results and Discussion Using Formula (1), the degree of endangerment of the Hamadani dialect can be calculated as follows: Degree of endangerment of the Hamadani dialect = (2 × 4) + 0 + 4 + 4 ÷ 25 × 100 = 64% This value, 64%, indicates that within the stages of language extinction, the Hamadani dialect is classified as “severely endangered’’. The certainty level of this assessment is evaluated as 100%. In the conducted interviews, participants stated that, in comparison with Standard Persian, the Hamadani dialect is perceived by the younger generation as a variety “lacking social prestige” and they believe that this linguistic variety no longer has practical power in any context except for limited use within the home. For this reason, the younger generation seeks the complete replacement of this variety with Standard Persian rather than its maintenance alongside Standard Persian. The key terms used by the younger generation to describe the Hamadani dialect include: “classless”, “low-level”, “ridiculous”, “useless”, “humorous”, and “the language of old people”. Conclusions and Suggestions Based on the findings of this study, the Hamadani dialect is classified as “severely endangered”. The factor that has restricted the use of this dialect and placed it in this state of extinction is ‘‘prestige’’, and consequently the tendency toward the standard language without regard for preserving the dialect alongside it. Therefore, the severe endangerment of the Hamadani dialect is a cultural issue rooted in speakers’ attitudes. As a result, the Hamadani dialect requires immediate attention. Select Bibliography Austin, K. Peter., & Sallabank, Julia. Endangered languages, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013. Azkaei, Parviz. Folklore of Hamadan, Hamedan: Bu-Ali Sina University Press, 2021. Campbell, Lyle, Nala Huiying Lee, Eve Okura, Sean Simpson, Kaori Ueki, & John Van Way. New knowledge: Findings from the Catalogue of Endangered Languages (ELCat), Paper presented at the 3rd International Conference on Language Documentation and Conservation, University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa, February 28–March 3, 2013. Campbell, Lyle., & Belew, Anna. Why Catalogue Endangered Languages? In Lyle Campbell and Anna Belew (eds), Cataloging The World's Endangered Languages, 1-14. New York: Routledge, 2018. Gholami, Saloumeh. Dialectology of Bābā-Ṭāher Quatrains and its role in reconstructing the former vernacular language of Hamadan. Comparative Linguistic Research, 2020; 10 (20): 45-78. Lee, N. H., & Van Way, J. assessing levels of endangerment in the Catalogue of Endangered Languages (ELCat) using the Language Endangerment Index (LEI). Language in society, 2016, 45: 271-292.‏ UNESCO ad hoc expert group on endangered languages (Matthias Brenzinger, Arienne M. Dwyer, Tjeerd de Graaf, Collette Grinevald, Michael Krauss, Osahito Miyaoka, Nicholas Ostler, Osamu Sakiyama, María E. Villalón, Akira Y.Yamamoto, Ofelia Zapeda). Language vitality and endangerment. Document submitted to the International Expert Meeting on UNESCO Safeguarding of Endangered Languages, Paris, 10–12 March, 2003. Online: http://www.unesco. rg/culture/ich/doc/src/00120-EN.pdf. هدف این مقاله ارزیابی میزان «در خطر بودن» گویش همدانی، گونهای از فارسی واقع در شمال غرب ایران در شهر همدان، با بهرهگیری از شاخص در خطر بودن زبان در پروژۀ زبانهای در خطر، معرفیشدة لی و ونوی (2016) است. این شاخص شامل چهار مقیاس انتقال بینانسلی، تعداد دقیق گویشوران، روندهای تعداد گویشوران و حوزه‌های کاربرد است. روش پژوهش کیفی است؛ یعنی برای تعیین میزان عددی هر یک از این مقیاسها به مصاحبه با 10 گویشور همدانی بهشکل نیمهساختاریافته و استفاده از مشاهدات تجربی پرداخته شده‌است. براساس این شاخص، گویش همدانی در گروه زبانهای «در معرض خطر شدید» قرار میگیرد. در واقع، عامل فرهنگی پرستیژ است که گویش همدانی را در این وضعیت در خطر شدید قرار داده‌است. زیرا نسل جوان این گونۀ زبانی را گونهای «بدون شأن اجتماعی» ارزیابی میکند و تلاش دارد تا از تکلم به این گونه خودداری و آن را با فارسی معیار بهطور کامل جایگزین کند و نه اینکه آن را در کنار آن حفظ نماید. بنابراین، از آنجا که انقراض زبانها و گویشها پیامدهای مهمی در پی دارد و حفظ و ترویج زبانها و گویشهای محلی در کنار تقویت و گسترش زبان رسمی اهمیت دارد، گویش همدانی نیازمند توجه فوری است.

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