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				<PublisherName>دانشگاه گیلان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2476-6585</Issn>
				<Volume>9</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Monostemmatic Inflectional System in the Talysh Language</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>نظام تصریفی تک بنی در زبان تالشی</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>7</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>28</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">9142</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22124/plid.2025.31595.1730</ELocationID>
			
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<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>محرم</FirstName>
					<LastName>رضایتی کیشه خاله</LastName>
<Affiliation>استاد زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>صهیب</FirstName>
					<LastName>رضایتی کیشه‌خاله</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد زبان و ادبیات فارسی دانشگاه گیلان، رشت، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
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				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
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				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>12</Day>
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		<Abstract>As a modern Northwestern Iranian language, Talysh spreads along the southwestern shore of the Caspian Sea, from the Sefid-rud river in Guilan to the Kor River in the Republic of Azerbaijan. The present article addresses some of the unique verbal features of this language, including the incorporation of the past stem in the formation of the imperative verb and the present indicative, especially the usage of single and shared stems in verb conjugation. Informed by an ancient Persian translation of the Quran, called &lt;em&gt;The Shonqoshi Exegesis&lt;/em&gt;, the study at hand formulates a “monostemmatic” feature to investigate the etymology and history of the so-called “Bon-Basend” compound. It also explains the ambiguities regarding the second part of this compound, namely the verb stem “Basend,” in terms of stem type and usage in the Talysh language. The etymological analysis shows that “Basend” is a present stem, which, in combination, attains an objective meaning and functions as a shared stem (monostemic) in the conjugation of all verbal structures in the Talysh language.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Extended abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Usually evolving at a slow pace, the verbal system is an important area of language in linguistics. However, from ancient times to the present day, we have witnessed major developments in this field. The imperfect, indefinite, and future tense systems of Old Iranian verb tenses, as well as others, were lost in the transition from ancient to medieval times, and only the present tense system, with some changes, has reached Persian and other modern Iranian languages.&lt;br /&gt;    The past stem of verbs is also a modified form of Old Iranian past participle adjectives. in most modern Iranian languages ​​and dialects, the present tense has been reduced to the present and past stems. In the Talysh language, we come across verbs whose verb stems are the same, and all the verb forms and structures are in accordance with the same single stem. Informed by the various types of the Talysh language, the present article coins the term “monostemmic” to show the conjugation system and the extent of its use in past, present, and imperative verbs.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;2. Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This research is in accordance with field and library studies. Talysh materials and evidence are organised around studies of three varieties of the three main Talysh dialects: From the Northern Dialect, the Anbarani, which is common in Namin County, Ardabil Province; from the Central Dialect, the Paresari variety in Rezvanshahr County; and from the Southern Dialect, the Siahmezgi variety common in Shaft County. The collection of evidence, especially in Northern and Southern Talyshi, was made possible with the help and assistance of several native speakers, who are introduced in the “Notes” section of the article. The library studies are informed by historical texts from Dari, Middle Persian, and Old Iranian texts.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3. Theoretical Framework&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Adopting a historical-descriptive linguistic approach, this research studies the monostemmatic inflectional system in the Talysh language. Moving beyond the restraints of a singular theoretical framework, this study identifies and explains linguistic changes and their dynamics by focusing on the structural evolution of language over time. In this regard, informed by etymological studies and the Talysh language, the present article identifies the verb stem “Basend,” which appears in ancient Dari text, the inflectional structures of monostemmatic verbs, and the historical background of some of the verbal features of the Talysh language in Dari, Middle Persian, and Old Iranian languages. This analysis is in accordance with historical and field data, and highlights the connection between contemporary structures and their historical roots.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;4. Discussion and Analysis&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt; Informed by etymological studies and findings of the Talysh language, “Basend,” in the compound “Bon-Basend,” which was used as a translation for “Qatta’na” in &lt;em&gt;The Shonqoshi Exegesis&lt;/em&gt;, is a present stem in the sense of a past participle adjective. Of note here is that its /d/ is not a replacement for /-ta/ or the result of the transformation of the second /n/ in /visinn/, but is part of the root. This verb stem has not reached Dari or modern Persian, but it is used in some modern Iranian languages, including Talysh, Tabari, Balochi, and so on.&lt;br /&gt;The incorporation of the past stem in the construction of present and imperative verbs, as well as the present stem in the construction of the imperfect past, has precedents in Old, Middle, and Modern Iranian languages, but there is no documented report of the monostemmatic inflectional system in Iranian languages. This phenomenon seems to be a late and intralinguistic development in the Talysh language, an attempt at linguistic simplification or facilitation.&lt;br /&gt;5. Conclusion&lt;br /&gt;The inflectional system of Talysh verbs, like most Iranian languages ​​today, is double-stemmed; however, there are many cases of a monostemmatic inflectional system. The conjugation of some verbs is in accordance with the present stem, and others are based on the past stem. The verbal system of Northern Talysh is monostemmatic, but in Central and Southern Talysh, both conjugation possibilities, i.e., monostemmatic and double-stemmed, are used in parallel. Of note here is that present-stem infinitives are monostemmatic, and past-stem infinitives are double-stemmed. In Central Talysh, however, the monostemmatic inflectional system is less commonly used, and the reported cases are very few in number.&lt;br /&gt;The incorporation of the present stem in the construction of the imperfect past, and the past stem in the construction of present and imperative verbs in Iranian languages, from Old to Medieval and Modern times, has more or less precedents, some of which has been explored in this article, but there is no documented report of the monostemmatic inflectional system in Iranian languages ​​to indicate the precedents of this linguistic feature. It seems that this phenomenon is a recent intralinguistic development in Northern and Southern Talysh in the process of linguistic simplification or facilitation, which has also affected Central Talysh..&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Select Bibliography&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Hassandoost, M. &lt;em&gt;Farhang-e Risheh-Shenākhti-e Zabān-e Fārsi&lt;/em&gt;, Vol. 4. Tehran: Farhangestan-e Zaban va Adab-e Farsi; 2014. [In Persian].&lt;br /&gt;Humbach, H. &lt;em&gt;The Heritage of the Zarathushtra&lt;/em&gt;. Heidelberg; 1994.&lt;br /&gt;Jackson, A. V. W. &lt;em&gt;An Avesta Grammar in Comparison with Sanskrit&lt;/em&gt;. Stuttgart; 1892. &lt;br /&gt;Kellens, J. &lt;em&gt;Le Verb Avestique&lt;/em&gt;. Wiesbaden; 1984.&lt;br /&gt;Kent, R. G. &lt;em&gt;Old Persian, Grammar, Texts, and Lexicon&lt;/em&gt;. New Haven; 1950.&lt;br /&gt;Nyberg, H. S. &lt;em&gt;A Manual of Pahlavi&lt;/em&gt;, Vol. 2. Wiesbaden; 1974.&lt;br /&gt;Rezayati Kisheh-Khaleh, M. Masdar va Sākht-e ān dar Gooyesh-e Tāleshi. &lt;em&gt;Gooyesh Shenāsi&lt;/em&gt;; 2006; 5 (1): 7-30. [In Persian].&lt;br /&gt;Rezayati Kisheh-Khaleh, M. &lt;em&gt;Zabān-e Tāleshi: Toosif-e Gooyesh-e Markazi&lt;/em&gt;. Rasht: Farhang-e Iliya, 2007. [In Persian].&lt;br /&gt;Sadeghi, A. Bon-Basend. &lt;em&gt;Jostārha-ye Novin-e Adabi&lt;/em&gt;; 2018; 51(1): 133-136. [In Persian].&lt;em&gt; &lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Shonqoshi. &lt;em&gt;Tafsir-e Shonqoshi: Gozāreh-ei az Bakhshi az Qurān-e Karim&lt;/em&gt;. Mohammad Jafar, Y (comp.). Tehran: Bonyad-e Farhang-e Iran; 1976. [&lt;em&gt;The Shonqoshi Exegesis&lt;/em&gt;] [In Persian].  </Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">تالشی از زبان‌های ایرانی نو در گروه شمال غربی است که در کرانۀ جنوب غربی دریای کاسپین، از سفیدرود در استان گیلان تا رود کُر در جمهوری آذربایجان گسترده‌است. در این مقاله کوشیده‌ایم به برخی از ویژگی‌های خاص فعلی این زبان، ازجمله استفاده از بن ماضی در بنای فعل امر و مضارع اخباری (آینده)، به‌ویژه کاربرد بن واحد و مشترک در تصریف فعل‌ها بپردازیم. خصوصیت اخیر را «تک‌بنی» نامیده‌ایم و سعی کرده‌ایم ضمن تبیین ریشه‌شناختی و تاریخیِ ترکیب «بن‌بَسِند» که در کتاب معروف به «تفسیر شُنقُشی» از ترجمه‌های کهن قرآن به زبان فارسی آمده‌است، ابهامات بخش دوم این ترکیب، یعنی بن فعلی «بَسِند» را از نظر نوع بن براساس کاربرد آن در زبان تالشی توضیح دهیم. «بَسِند» با تحلیل ریشه‌شناختی، بن مضارع است و در ترکیب، معنی مفعولی دارد و به‌عنوان بن مشترک (تک‌بن) در صرف تمام ساخت‌های فعلی زبان تالشی به‌کار می‌رود.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه گیلان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2476-6585</Issn>
				<Volume>9</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Agreement and Case-Marking in Kuhdashti Laki: A Comparative Syntactic Study</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>مطابقه و حالت‌نمایی در زبان لکی کوهدشتی: مطالعه، تطبیقی ساختار نحوی با زبان‌های همجوار</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>29</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>55</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">9082</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22124/plid.2025.31155.1724</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>سمیه</FirstName>
					<LastName>حنان</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی دکتری زبان‌شناسی همگانی دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>مهرداد</FirstName>
					<LastName>نغزگوی کهن</LastName>
<Affiliation>استاد زبان شناسی همگانی دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>11</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Agreement, case marking, and word order are key mechanisms for encoding syntactic relations, each language employing them according to its typological structure. This study aims to describe and analyze the agreement and case-marking systems of Kuhdashti Laki and compare them with Khorramabadi Luri and Kalhori Kurdish within Haig’s (2008) framework. The findings show that in Laki, these systems are dual and dependent on tense and verb transitivity: in the non-past, the pattern is nominative-accusative, with the subject appearing directly without a case marker and the object typically marked by an accusative marker. In contrast, in the past tense, agreement shifts to a split ergative pattern where the transitive subject is marked via a pronominal clitic attached to the object, and the verb remains in the default third-person singular form without overt agreement. This structure distinguishes Laki from Kalhori Kurdish and Khorramabadi Luri, which maintain a consistent nominative-accusative system regardless of tense or transitivity. Despite surface similarities, the evidence shows that Kuhdashti Laki has an independent and coherent syntactic structure and should not be regarded as merely a dependent or mixed variety between Kurdish and Luri.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Extended Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;1.Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Languages encode the syntactic relations between the verb and its core arguments - namely the subject and the object - through three principal mechanisms: word order, case marking on noun phrases, and agreement patterns that are triggered by the interaction between the verb and its arguments and morphologically surface on the verb. While agreement and case marking have been the focus of extensive typological and descriptive research in Iranian linguistics, studies devoted specifically to Laki remain strikingly limited. This paucity of research has left the precise genealogical and typological status of Laki within the Iranian language family unresolved and a matter of scholarly contention.&lt;br /&gt;Kuhdasht, where this variety of Laki is spoken, offers a particularly salient site for investigation due to its geographical location and longstanding, intensive contact with neighboring speech communities, most notably Khorramabadi Luri and Kalhuri Kurdish. Against this background, the present study investigates the agreement and case-marking systems of Kuhdashti Laki and undertakes a comparative analysis with those of Khorramabadi Luri and Kalhuri Kurdish. The inquiry is guided by two central research questions: 1- What typological properties characterize the morphosyntactic systems of agreement and case marking in Laki? and 2- What is the overarching alignment pattern observable at the morphosyntactic level in Laki? By addressing these questions, the study seeks to clarify the typological profile of Kuhdashti Laki, to contribute to the broader understanding of alignment phenomena in Iranian languages, and to shed light on the dynamics of morphosyntactic variation in a region shaped by sustained patterns of language contact.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;2.Theoretical Framework&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The present study adopts the theoretical framework proposed by Haig (2008). Haig demonstrates that cross-linguistic variation in the way verbs agree with clausal constituents gives rise to distinct agreement patterns, which are closely tied to alignment type. According to his framework, the differences in verb agreement with arguments result in two major alignment configurations that are directly conditioned by morphosyntactic alignment, whether nominative–accusative or ergative-absolutive. Haig argues that in Iranian languages, agreement is typically organized around two principal systems: (1) nominative-accusative alignment, in which verbal agreement targets the subject, aligning the verb with the features of the nominative argument; and (2) ergative-absolutive alignment, in which verbal agreement instead targets the absolutive argument, i.e., the object.&lt;br /&gt;Crucially, Haig (2008) posits that most Iranian languages exhibit a split-ergative alignment system, in which the distribution of nominative-accusative vs. ergative-absolutive agreement is conditioned by tense-aspect categories. In other words, ergative alignment in Iranian languages is not uniform but follows a tense-based split: clauses whose predicates are derived from present stems generally display nominative-accusative alignment, whereas clauses whose predicates are derived from past stems exhibit ergative alignment. This split, realized primarily in the verbal morphology, underlies the structural variation in agreement patterns across Iranian languages.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.Methodology &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The data for this study were collected through fieldwork, primarily via interviews with Laki speakers in Kouhdasht. Topics included daily events, personal memories, and social interactions, designed to elicit a wide range of morphological and syntactic structures. All interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed, phonetically annotated, and analyzed morphosyntactically. For comparative purposes, data on Kalhuri Kurdish were collected from five speakers in similar sociolinguistic conditions, and Khorramabadi Luri data were gathered based on the researcher’s intuition and verified with native speakers. The data were analyzed in detail to identify agreement systems and case-marking patterns, and the findings were then examined comparatively to highlight typological similarities and differences among the three languages.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;4.Results &amp; discussion &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Based on the analyzed data in this study, the Kouhdashti variety of Laki exhibits a nominative–accusative case marking system in the present tense, where only transitive objects are overtly marked with the case suffix “-a / -i”. In contrast, past constructions, particularly with transitive verbs, show a split-ergative pattern, in which the subject lacks an independent marker and is realized in the oblique case, linked to the object through a clitic pronoun. Subject agreement in intransitive verbs is fully realized in both present and past tenses. However, in past transitive verbs, subject agreement is omitted, and the subject is transferred to the object as a clitic pronoun, resulting in a split agreement that is sensitive to the verb’s tense.&lt;br /&gt;     Comparative analysis with Khorramabadi Luri and Kalhuri Kurdish reveals that Kalhuri Kurdish has a &lt;strong&gt;stable, tense-independent agreement system&lt;/strong&gt;, without ergative constructions. Its case marking likewise follows a &lt;strong&gt;nominative-accusative pattern&lt;/strong&gt;,&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;in which the subject appears unmarked, and the object receives a direct or indirect case suffix, &lt;strong&gt;“-ɑgɑ”&lt;/strong&gt;. Similarly, in Khorramabadi Luri, both agreement and case marking operate independently of &lt;strong&gt;tense&lt;/strong&gt;, consistently exhibiting a nominative-accusative alignment.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;5.Conclusions &amp; Suggestion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Based on the linguistic evidence presented in this study, it can be concluded that the Kouhdashti variety of Laki, despite sharing some superficial features with Kalhuri Kurdish and Khorramabadi Luri, exhibits a distinct and independent system in terms of case marking and agreement. By employing dual syntactic patterns, specific agreement mechanisms, and the use of pronominal clitics, this variety demonstrates a unique internal cohesion that sets it apart from neighboring languages. Therefore, Laki should not be regarded merely as an intermediate or hybrid dialect between Luri and Kurdish, but rather as an autonomous linguistic system with its own distinctive grammatical features.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Select Bibliography&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Blake, B. J. &lt;em&gt;Case.&lt;/em&gt; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 2004.&lt;br /&gt;Bickel, B., &amp; Nichols, J. Inflectional morphology. In T. Shopen (Ed.), &lt;em&gt;Language typology and syntactic description&lt;/em&gt; (Vol., pp. 169–240). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 2007.&lt;br /&gt;Croft, W. &lt;em&gt;Typology and universals&lt;/em&gt; (2nd ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 2003.&lt;br /&gt;Haig, G. &lt;em&gt;Alignment change in Iranian languages: A construction grammar approach.&lt;/em&gt; Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter; 2008.&lt;br /&gt;Payne, T. E. &lt;em&gt;Describing morphosyntax: A guide for field linguists.&lt;/em&gt; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 1997.&lt;br /&gt;Paul, L. “The position of Zazaki among West Iranian languages”. In N. Sims-Williams (Ed.), &lt;em&gt;Proceedings of the Third European Conference of Iranian Studies, Part 1: Old and Middle Iranian studies&lt;/em&gt;. Wiesbaden: Reichert; 1988, 163-177.&lt;br /&gt;Stilo, D. Vafsi. In M. Dahl &amp; B. Comrie (Eds.), &lt;em&gt;The world atlas of language structures.&lt;/em&gt; Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2004.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">مطابقه، حالت‌نمایی و ترتیب واژه از اصلی‌ترین سازوکارهای بازنمایی روابط نحوی در زبان‌ها هستند که هر زبان بسته به ساختار رده‌شناختی خود، ترکیبی ویژه از آن‌ها را به‌کار می‌گیرد. این پژوهش با هدف توصیف و تحلیل نظام‌های مطابقه و حالت‌نمایی در زبان لکی کوهدشتی و مقایسۀ تطبیقی آن با لری خرم‌آبادی و کردی کلهری در چارچوب آراء هیگ (2008) انجام شده‌است. نتایج نشان می‌دهد که در لکی، این نظام‌ها ساختاری دوگانه و وابسته به زمان دستوری و گذرایی فعل دارند: در زمان غیرگذشته، مطابقه و حالت‌نمایی از نوع فاعلی- مفعولی است؛ به‌گونه‌ای که فاعل به‌صورت مستقیم و بدون نشانة حالت‌نما ظاهر می‌شود و مفعول اغلب با نشانة حالت‌نمای مفعولی بازنمایی می‌شود. در مقابل، در گذشته، الگوی مطابقه کناییِ گسسته است و فاعلِ فعل گذرا با واژه‌بست ضمیری بر مفعول نمایان می‌شود و فعل بدون نشانه‌گذاری شخص و شمار، به‌صورت سوم‌شخص مفرد به‌کار می‌رود. این ساختار، لکی را از کردی کلهری و لری که نظام مطابقه و حالت‌نمایی یکنواخت و مستقل از زمان یا گذرایی فعل دارند، متمایز می‌سازد. بنابراین، با وجود شباهت‌های سطحی، زبان لکی کوهدشتی ساختاری مستقل و منسجم دارد و نمی‌توان آن را گویشی وابسته یا ترکیبی از کردی و لری دانست.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه گیلان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2476-6585</Issn>
				<Volume>9</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Indefinite Pronouns in Different Varieties of Gilaki Language</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>ضمایر نکره در گونه‌های مختلف زبان گیلکی</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>57</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>85</LastPage>
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					<FirstName>شادی</FirstName>
					<LastName>کشاورز شکری</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی دکتری زبان‌شناسی، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>محمد</FirstName>
					<LastName>راسخ مهند</LastName>
<Affiliation>استاد گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
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				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>06</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Indefinite pronouns such as the Persian &lt;em&gt;kasi&lt;/em&gt; (“someone”), are referential expressions that do not have a specific referent and play diverse functions across languages. The present study explores the use of indefinite pronouns in different varieties of Gilaki which is a Northwestern Iranian language spoken along the Iranian part of Caspian Sea coast. The study aims to compare and identify both similarities and regional distinctions in the use of these pronouns between the Western and Eastern Gilaki. To do so, it adopts Haspelmath’s (1997) semantic map model, a crosslinguistic framework that enables typological and intra-language comparison. The research data were elicited from everyday speech across six regions in Gilan Province and the analysis resulted in semantic maps for each of the varieties that capture the functional distribution of indefinite pronouns. Findings indicate that although minor differences exist, the overall usage of indefinite pronouns is consistent in Western and Eastern Gilaki. The application of semantic map model proves effective for typological and dialectological studies, offering insights into the syntactic and semantic structures of Gilaki and other languages.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Extended abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;1.Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Indefinite pronoun such as the Persian &lt;em&gt;kasi &lt;/em&gt;(“someone”)&lt;em&gt;, &lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;čizi &lt;/em&gt;(“something”) perform different functions across languages&lt;em&gt;.&lt;/em&gt; They are referential expressions that in terms of identifiability refer to the type of referent rather than a specific token. These categories in terms of referent status do not have a real-world referent (Croft 2022). Investigating such grammatical categories in different languages is crucial because it helps us identify linguistic universals and recognize similarities and differences among languages (Croft 2003).&lt;br /&gt;    The present research studies indefinite pronouns in the Gilaki language. Gilaki is a Northwestern Iranian language spoken in Gilan mostly province. This language, which is a subgroup of the Caspian languages, has two primary dialects: Eastern and Western. These dialects exhibit variation in phonology, vocabulary and grammar (Stilo, 2001).&lt;br /&gt;The most well-known study carried out in this field is the typological study of Haspelmath (1997), which examined indefinite pronouns across forty languages and presented the semantic map of each. Also, previous work by Rasekh-Mahand (2015) explored indefinite pronouns in several modern Iranian languages and presented their semantic map, yet no comparable study has been conducted for Gilaki. The absence of research specific to Gilaki within semantic map model leaves an evident gap. Therefore, this article addresses the gap by applying Haspelmath’s (1997) semantic map model to Gilaki, comparing the use of indefinite pronouns in eastern and western regions of Gilan.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;2.Theoretical Framework&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This study explores indefinite pronouns in different varieties of the Gilaki language within Hapelmath’s (1997) semantic map model. Semantic maps provide universals derived from cross-linguistics comparison, which is crucial for choosing and arranging the relevant functions of a multifunctional gram on the semantic map (Haspelmath 2003:216). These different functions are contiguous, or as Croft (2003:134) emphasizes, according to the semantic map connectivity hypothesis, there should be no gap between them and they are connected to one another.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The research follows a qualitative approach and the required data, in addition to one of the authors being a native speaker, were drawn from the everyday speech of 18 Gilaki-Farsi bilingual speakers. Using convenience sampling, participants were selected from six cites of Gilan province: Rasht, Bandar Anzali, and Some’e Sara in western Gilan, as well as Lahijan, Amlash, and Siahkal in eastern Gilan. The data were collected through oral interviews and recording of conversations. Participants were asked to translate selected sentences representing different functions of indefinite pronouns (adapted from Haspelmath 1997) into Gilaki. The resulting sentences were transcribed, analyzed and finally mapped based on the model of Haspelmath (1997) in the form of semantic maps to each variety.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;4. &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Results &amp; Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;After collecting the sentences, data relating to the different functions of indefinite pronouns in each variety of the Gilaki language were presented, and at the end of each section, the semantic map of indefinite pronouns in that variety was drawn. Analysis reveals that apart from the minor phonological and lexical differences that exist in the speech of the eastern and western Gilan regions, Eastern and Western Gilaki share broadly similar patterns in the use of indefinite pronouns, with only minor differences. According to the semantic maps drawn for each of the cities mentioned, we can see five groups of indefinite pronouns overlap in both regions. Yet, some distinctions emerge: in Western Gilaki, the morpheme &lt;em&gt;yek&lt;/em&gt; (“one”) extends to question and conditional referent, and &lt;em&gt;hič&lt;/em&gt; (“no”) is employed not only in direct negation but also in question and indirect negation contexts. This issue was not observed in Eastern Gilaki dialects. On the other hand, the morpheme &lt;em&gt;hame&lt;/em&gt; (“all”) is more frequently used for indirect negation referent in Eastern Gilaki, while this usage is absent in Western varieties. These semantic maps also follow Croft’s (2003) semantic map connectivity hypothesis; that is, the functions of indefinite pronouns are interconnected and there is no gap between them, and as Haspelmath (2003) says, they are contiguous. Overall, the findings of this research and the obtained semantic maps show both the broad similarities and the subtle differences in how Gilaki varieties employ indefinite pronouns.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; 5.&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusions &amp; Suggestions&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The similar behavior of indefinite pronouns across Gilaki varieties reflects the geographical proximity of the cities of Gilan province, which strengthens their linguistic cohesion. Minimal distances between these regions reduce likelihood of major linguistic structural divergence. Nevertheless, minor distinctions can to some extent be the result of language contact. Eastern Gilaki, situated near Mazani, shows influence from that language, and Western dialects, due to adjacency with Talyshi and Standard Persian, show different patterns in some functions of indefinite pronouns. Thus, while the broad similarities between Eastern and Western Gilaki derive from geographical closeness and social cohesion, observed differences can be attributed to the type and intensity of language contact of each region with neighboring languages. Clearly, semantic maps enable systematic comparison of these dialects and recognizing their differences and similarities. The semantic map model proves to be a powerful tool for typology and dialectology studies, and it helps researchers in mapping the relations between grammatical and lexical categories, offering valuable insights into both universal and language-specific variation.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Select Bibliography&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Croft, W. &lt;em&gt;Typology and universals&lt;/em&gt;. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2003.&lt;br /&gt;Croft, W. &lt;em&gt;Morphosyntax Construction of the World’s Languages&lt;/em&gt;. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 2022.&lt;br /&gt;Haspelmath, M. &lt;em&gt;Indefinite pronouns&lt;/em&gt;. Oxford: Clarendon; 1997.&lt;br /&gt;Haspelmath, M. The geometry of grammatical meaning: semantic maps and cross-linguistic comparison. In: Tomasello M. (ed.) The new psychology of language. Vol. 2. Mahwah (NJ): Erlbaum; 2003, 211-242&lt;br /&gt;Stilo, D. Gīlān x. Languages. In: &lt;em&gt;Encyclopædia Iranica.&lt;/em&gt; Vol. X, Fasc. 6; 2012: 660–668.&lt;br /&gt;Rasekh-Mahand, M. The different uses of indefinite pronouns in some modern Iranian languages. &lt;em&gt;Proceedings of the Second International Conference on Iranian Languages and Dialects (Past and Present)&lt;/em&gt;; 2015, 203-226. [In Persian]</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">پژوهش حاضر کاربرد ضمایر نکره را در گونه‌های مختلف زبان گیلکی، از زبان‌های ایرانی شمال غربی در کرانۀ دریای خزر بررسی می‌کند. ضمایر نکره مانند «کسی» عباراتی ارجاعی هستند که مصداق مشخصی در جهان خارج ندارند و نقش‌های مختلفی در زبان‌ها دارند (Croft, 2022). هدف این پژوهش پی بردن به شباهت‌ها و تفاوت‌های گویش گیلکی غربی و شرقی و مقایسة کاربرد ضمایر نکره در زبان گیلکی این دو منطقه است. بدین منظور از چهارچوب نقشة معنایی هسپلمت (1997) استفاده می‌شود. این چهارچوب یک الگوی همگانی است که امکان توصیف و مقایسۀ بینازبانی و درون‌زبانی را برای زبان‌شناسان در مطالعات رده‌شناختی فراهم می‌کند. داده‌های پژوهش از گفتار روزمرۀ شش منطقه در گیلان جمع‌آوری شده و پس از بررسی و مقایسۀ آنها، نقشۀ معنایی پیشنهادی برای هرکدام از گویش‌ها ترسیم شده‌است. یافته‌ها نشان می‌دهد که به­طورکلی کاربرد ضمایر نکره در گویش‌های گیلکی غربی و شرقی مشابه هستند و با وجود تفاوت اندک میان آنها، گویشوران این دو منطقه این تکواژها را نسبتا یکسان استفاده می‌کنند. استفاده از نقشۀ معنایی در مطالعات رده‌شناختی و گویش‌شناسی بسیار مفید است و می‌توان به کمک آن به درک عمیق‌تری از ساخت‌های نحوی و معنایی در زبان‌ها دست یافت.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه گیلان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2476-6585</Issn>
				<Volume>9</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Reduplication Process in Birjandi Dialect</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>بررسی فرایند تکرار در گویش بیرجندی</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>87</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>113</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">9040</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22124/plid.2025.31233.1726</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>طاهره</FirstName>
					<LastName>خوشدل</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد زبان‌شناسی، دانشکدة ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه بیرجند، بیرجند، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>محمدامین</FirstName>
					<LastName>ناصح</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار گروه زبان انگلیسی و زبان‌شناسی، دانشگاه بیرجند، بیرجند، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>“Reduplication” is a morphological process in which some parts of a word or the entire word are repeated, sometimes accompanied by a change in the middle vowel or by a change in the initial consonant. The present study examines the types of reduplication in the Birjandi dialect, which is one of the Persian dialects on the eastern border of Iran and has undergone less changes due to its desert location, distance from the capital, and lack of ethnic and linguistic mixing. The research method is descriptive-analytical and the data under study were collected in both documentary and field forms. Relevant dialect texts and glossaries as well as daily conversations of speakers were the main sources of data. To ensure the accuracy of pronunciation and meaning of the selected reduplicant, the researchers focused on the dialect data of 6 poorly literate native speakers over 60 years of age of both genders. The findings showed that full and partial types of reduplication were observed in the Birjandi dialect, and among them, the unadded full type had the highest frequency. Findings also show that nouns, adjectives, onomatopoeia, adverbs and verbs participate in the reduplication process.
&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;
&lt;strong&gt;Extended Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;

&lt;strong&gt; Introduction &lt;/strong&gt;

Southern Khorasan is a mountainous region that has long been called Qohistan (Mountains) and in the last century its center was the city of Birjand, which is now the center of South Khorasan Province. In the Birjandi dialect, in line with Standard Persian, word formation takes place through the process of compounding or derivation (addition). In the Persian language, the three processes of derivation, compounding, and reduplication are considered productive word formation patterns. Reduplication is also used significantly in dialects of the Persian language, including the Birjandi dialect. The present study examines this phonological construction process in this dialect. This study seeks to find answers to the following questions: What types of reduplication exist in the Birjandi dialect and what is their frequency? What are the grammatical categories of dual constructions in this dialect?

&lt;strong&gt; Theoretical framework&lt;/strong&gt;

Reduplication is a type of morphological process in which some parts of a word or the entire word are repeated, in some types, by changing the middle vowel or changing the initial consonant. Different types of this process are observed in different languages, in two forms: total and partial reduplication. The theoretical framework of the present study is based on the model of Arkan and Heydarpour (2019). They divide the reduplication process into total, echoic and partial reduplication. In this model, total reduplication has two types: unadded and added, and they classify partial and echo reduplication into two categories: prefix and postfix. In total unadded reduplication, the base word is repeated exactly; without any element being added or deleted from it, such as “susu”. Total added reduplication is of two types: total added middle reduplication and total added final reduplication. In total added middle reduplication, in addition to repeating the base word; another element is added between the two bases, such as ruz-be-ruz. In total added final reduplication, in addition to the base reduplication, a derivational word is also present at the end of the repeated word, such as &quot;ʧel ʧel-e&quot;. In partial reduplication, only part of the base word is repeated in the repeated word. In the prefix type, part of the base word is repeated before it, such as &quot;ti tiʃ&quot;. In the partial postfix pattern, part of the base word is added at the end of that word, such as &quot;pært-o-pæla&quot;. In echo reduplication, the repeated word is always the same as the base word, but meaningless and insignificant. In this reduplication pattern, the base word is repeated in the repeated word with a change in its initial consonant or vowel(s) (sometimes even in just one phonetic feature).

&lt;strong&gt; Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;

The research method is descriptive-analytical and most of the data were extracted from dialect texts and related dictionaries as well as daily conversations of Birjandi speakers. The most important sources used include the text of Molla Ali Ashraf Sabohi&#039;s Nisab and the Birjandi Dialect Dictionary. To ensure the accuracy of the pronunciation and meaning of the selected data, the researchers focused on dialect information obtained from interviews with 6 poorly literate native speakers over 60 years of age in both genders. In addition, the authors&#039; linguistic intuition was also used in analyzing the data and confirming the pronunciation considerations. Some of the reduplication examples had objective similarities with their counterparts in standard Persian in terms of phonetics and semantics and were therefore removed from the final list of dialect data. After examining the data based on the reduplication pattern contained in the book &quot;Morphology: Theoretical Approaches and Their Applications in Persian Language Analysis&quot; (Arkan and Heydarpour, 2019), the repeated words, their classification and grammatical categories were determined and finally they were phonetized using the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA).

&lt;strong&gt; Results &amp; Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;

&lt;strong&gt;4-1. Unadded Total Reduplication&lt;/strong&gt;
Most of the repeated total examples of reduplication in the Birjandi dialect were of the unadded type, in which the categories of onomatopoeia (40%), adverbs (26%), nouns (22%), verbs (10%), and adjective (2%) were observed in this category in order of frequency.
/bælow bælow/ (a kind of group game), /ron-d-e ron-d-e/ (smallpox), /gor-taz gor-taz/ (to run quickly), /sot sot/ (walking of cattle), /kolot kolot/ (noise)
&lt;strong&gt;4-2- &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Added Total Reduplication&lt;/strong&gt;
In the frequent adverb words of the Birjandi dialect, the following categories were observed in order of frequency: adjectives (48%), nouns (29%), adverbs (15%), and onomatopoeia (8%).
Medial added: /kus-mæ-kus/ (full of wrinkles), /ʃow-vær-ʃow/ (night by night)
Final added: /kor kor-u/ (Cartilage), /ræx ræx-u/ (worn out), /kam kam-uk/ (slowly)
&lt;strong&gt;4-3-&lt;/strong&gt; &lt;strong&gt;Partial Reduplication&lt;/strong&gt;
Most of the incomplete repeated examples were post-reduplication, which in this group, in order of frequency, were the categories of adjectives (56%), nouns (33%), and onomatopoeia (11%).
Pre-reduplication: /læpp-e-les/ (embezzlement), /læʧʧ-e-liʧʧ/ (watery mud)
Post-reduplication: /kox-o-kæx/ (insects and vermin), /kol-næqol/ (hole), /nærm-e nohur/ (soft and meatballs)
&lt;strong&gt;4-4- Echo Reduplication&lt;/strong&gt;
Most of the echoic repeated words were post-reduplication, which in this group, in order of frequency, were nouns (41%), adjectives (34%), onomatopoeia (16%), and adverbs (7%).
Pre-reduplication: /Ɂælæd-bælæd/ (aware), /ʧǣr ʧar/ (tattered)
Post-reduplication: /sæda-næda/ (noise), /ʃǣxol-pǣxol/ (Additional branches)

&lt;strong&gt; Conclusions &amp; Suggestions&lt;/strong&gt;

In this article, for the first time, the process of reduplication in the Birjandi dialect was studied. In this study, 270 repeated words were collected. Of these, 193 words were of the total reduplication type (100 unadded total reduplications and 93 added reduplications), 27 words were based on the partial reduplication pattern (9 pre-reduplication and 18 post-reduplication), and 50 words were of the echo reduplication type (7 pre-reduplication and 43 post-reduplication). Therefore, the total unadded (37%) and added (34%) types have the highest frequency. The third rank in frequency was related to the echo post-reduplication type (16%), followed by the partial post-reduplication, partial pre-reduplication, and echo pre-reduplication types, respectively. In the Birjandi dialect, about 50 echo words were observed, among which initial consonant change was observed in 33 cases, vowel change in 15 cases, and simultaneous occurrence of both types of changes in 2 cases. The adjective category had the highest frequency in the full added reduplication. Among all the data of this study, the categories of nouns (31%), adjectives (27%), onomatopoeia (17%), adverbs (21%), and verbs (4%) were observed in order of frequency.
&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Select Bibliography&lt;/strong&gt;
Arkan, F. Heydarpour Bidgoli, T. &lt;em&gt;Morphology: Theoretical Approaches and Their Applications in Persian Language Analysis&lt;/em&gt;. Tehran: SAMT. 2020. [In Persin]
Dabir Moghadam M, Maleki S. The Study of Total Reduplication Process in Persian Language: A Research Based on Morphological Doubling Theory. &lt;em&gt;Linguistic Research&lt;/em&gt;; 2017; 8 (7): 29-51. [In Persin]
URL: http://lrr.modares.ac.ir/article-14-3361-en.html
Hurch,   B.  &lt;em&gt;Studies  on  Reduplication&lt;/em&gt;,  Volume  28  of  Empirical Approaches to Language Typology [EALT], Publisher: Walter de Gruyter. 2005.
Kauffman, C. &lt;em&gt;Reduplication reflects uniqueness and innovation in language, thought and culture&lt;/em&gt;. York Collage of Pennsylvania; 2015.
Marantz, A. Reduplication. &lt;em&gt;Linguistic Inquiry&lt;/em&gt;; 1982; 13: 483-545.
Rasekh Mahnad, M. and Mohammadi-Rad, M. “A formal and semantic study of reduplication in the Sorani Kurdish dialect”. &lt;em&gt;Iranian Languages ​​and Dialects&lt;/em&gt;; 2013, 133-146. [In Persin]
Rezaei, J. &lt;em&gt;Birjand Dialect (Part One: The Culture of Molla Ali Ashraf Sabohi)&lt;/em&gt;. Tehran: Tehran University Press; 1965. [In Persin]
Rezaei, J. &lt;em&gt;Dictionary of Birjand Dialect&lt;/em&gt;. Tehran: Roozbahan Publications; 1994. [In Persin]
Rezayati Kishekhaleh, M., Soltani, B. A Study on the Reduplication Process in Persian Language from Vocabulary Building, Grammar and Semantics Points of View. &lt;em&gt;New Literary Studies&lt;/em&gt;. 2015; 48(2): 81-112. [In Persin]
doi: https://doi.org/10.22067/jls.v48i2.40486
Shaghaghi, V. The Reduplication Process in Persian. &lt;em&gt;Allameh Tabatabaei University Proceedings&lt;/em&gt;. 1379; 97; 519-534. [In Persin]
&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">«تکرار» نوعی فرایند ساخت­واژی است که در آن، برخی از بخش­‌های یک واژه یا کل واژه تکرار می­‌شود و گاه با تغییر واکة میانی یا تغییر همخوان آغازین همراه است. پژوهش حاضر به بررسی انواع تکرار در گویش بیرجندی می­پردازد که از گویش­های کهن فارسی در مرز خاوری ایران است و به دلیل موقعیت کویری، دوری از مرکز و عدم اختلاط قومی و زبانی آن، کمتر دچار تحول گشته‌است. روش تحقیق، توصیفی- تحلیلی است و داده­ها به دو صورت اسنادی و میدانی گردآوری شده­اند. متون و واژه­نامه­های گویشی مرتبط و همچنین گفت­وگوهای روزمره گویشوران منبع اصلی داده­ها بوده­اند. پژوهندگان برای اطمینان از صحت تلفظ و معنی دوگان­ساخت­های منتخب، اطلاعات گویشی 6 گویشور بومیِ کم‌‌سواد بالای 60 سال را در دو جنسیت با مصاحبه در نظر گرفتند. به‌علاوه، شم زبانی نویسندگان نیز که گویشوران بومی­اند در تحلیل داده­‌ها و برخی ملاحظات تلفظی مورد نظر بوده‌است. یافته­ها نشان داد که همسو با فارسی معیار، انواع تکرار کامل و ناقص در گویش بیرجندی مشاهده می­شود و در این میان نوع کامل ناافزوده بیشترین بسامد را دارد. همچنین مقولات دستوری اسم، صفت، نام­آوا، قید و فعل به ترتیب فراوانی در فرایند تکرار شرکت داشته­‌اند.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه گیلان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2476-6585</Issn>
				<Volume>9</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Effects of The British and American Accents on The Pronunciation of English Loan Words in Persian</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>بررسی تأثیر لهجه‌های بریتانیایی و آمریکایی بر تلفظ وام‌واژه‌های انگلیسی در زبان فارسی</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>115</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>133</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">8475</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22124/plid.2025.29157.1697</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>بشیر</FirstName>
					<LastName>جم</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشیار زبان‌شناسی، گروه زبان انگلیسی دانشگاه شهرکرد، شهرکرد، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>04</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>This study aimed to explain the effects that the British and American accents have had on the pronunciation of English loan words in Persian within the framework of Optimality Theory and based on the Phonological Stance model. In other words, this research which was conducted in the area of loan word phonology, aimed at determining to what extent these two accents affected the input of English loan words, as well as coming up with an answer to the question “To which English accent is the pronunciation of English loan words in Persian closer? To this end, four important differences between British and American accents i.e., the pronunciation of /r/, /oU/, /A/, and /j/ that could have affected the pronunciation of English loan words in Persian were scrutinized to figure out what phonological processes have occurred and what constraints (rankings) caused the application and non-application of these processes. The findings of the present paper indicate that the input of English loan words in Persian was in three cases (the pronunciation of /r/, /oU/, and /A/) affected by the American accent and in one case (the pronunciation of /j/) by the British accent. Likewise, the pronunciation of English loan words in Persian is closer to the American accent in those three cases, while it is similar to the British accent in that single case.
&lt;strong&gt;Extended Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;1.Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Loan phonology is one of the areas in phonology which addresses the nativization of words adapted by the borrowing language. Persian has borrowed numerous words from English. A question that has always been raised is whether the British accent known as the Received Pronunciation or the American accent known as the General American has affected the pronunciation of English loan words in Persian. In order to answer this question, the present study applied the Phonological Stance model within the framework of Optimality Theory (henceforth OT) (Prince and Smolensky, 1993/2004) for the first time. This paper, therefore, sought to answer the following questions:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Which accent constitutes the input of English loan words in Persian, the British or the American accent?&lt;br /&gt;To which English accent is the pronunciation of English loan words in Persian closer?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;2.Theoretical framework&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This research aimed at explaining the effects that the British and the American accents have had on the pronunciation of English loan words in Persian within the framework of OT and based on the Phonological Stance model.&lt;br /&gt;     OT is one of the most significant developments in the generative grammar. The first detailed exposition of the theory appears in Prince and Smolensky&#039;s (1993) book, entitled ‘Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar’. Its goal is to explain the phonology of languages only by using a set of universal constraints. No phonological rule is being applied in its analyses because they generally explained the language-specific phenomena. In contrast, constraints in OT are not merely solutions to language-specific problems; they are claims about Universal Grammar (UG) seeking to explain phonological phenomena universally. Furthermore, there is no interaction between rules and constraints, i.e., OT is not a mixed theory. The principles of SPE phonology (Chomsky &amp; Halle, 1968) namely rules and serial derivations between underlying representation (UR) and phonetic representation (PR) have been abandoned by OT; however, UR and PR which are renamed as input and output respectively, are being assumed in the classical sense.&lt;br /&gt;     Moreover, in all the loan words in this research the input is in line with the Phonological Stance model (see Calabrese and Wetzels, 2009), according to which the input to loanword adaptations in Persian is their input in English. That is, the nativization is brought about by the Persian phonological processes that apply on input in English.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In order to conduct this research, first of all, the most important differences between the British accent and the American accent i.e., the pronunciation of phonemes /r/, /oU/, /A/, and /j/ were considered according to the online dictionaries including Cambridge, Oxford, Longman, and Dictionary.com.  Then, the English loan words in Persian which included these phonemes in their inputs were specified according to the corpus provided in Sarrami (2022). Finally, these pronunciation differences were scrutinized in the British and American accents and Persian loan words within OT and based on the Phonological Stance model. Accordingly, after specifying the UR of the loan words, the phonological processes that they had undergone and the constraints (rankings) that had caused these processes were identified and analyzed in OT tableaux.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;4.Results &amp; Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The findings of the present paper are as follow:&lt;br /&gt;     Regarding the first research question, in three cases i.e., the pronunciations of /r/, /oU/, and /A/ the American accent constitutes the input of English loan words in Persian and in one case (the pronunciation of /j/) the British accent constitutes the input of English words adapted by Persian.&lt;br /&gt;     As to the second research question, the pronunciation of English loan words in Persian is in three cases i.e., the pronunciation of /r/, /oU/, and /A/ is closer to the American accent because /r/ deletion does not occur in Persian just like the American accent. And because Persian has the vowels /oU/ and /A/ rather than the British vowels /@U/ and /Q/. With regard to the pronunciation of /j/ preceded by alveolars, the pronunciation of English loan words in Persian is like the British accent as yod (/j/) deletion is not a phonological process in Persian as well as the British accent.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;5. &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Conclusions &amp; Suggestions&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Languages borrow words from other languages to fill the gaps in their own lexical inventory. The reasons for such lexical gaps vary greatly: cultural innovation that may introduce objects or actions that do not have a name in the borrowing language, and native words that may be perceived as non-prestigious. The pronunciation of loan words usually changes according to the phonological system of the borrowing language including the segmental and suprasegmental features as well as the phonotactics and phonological constraints. Since English has two standard accents, a research had to be done to study which accent affected the pronunciation of English loan words in Persian. To this end, this paper discussed this issue for the first time.&lt;br /&gt;Further research could investigate the effects of original pronunciation of loan words borrowed from other languages on their pronunciation in Persian.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Select Bibliography&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ariyaee, K. Loanword adaption in Persian: A Core Periphery Model Approach, &lt;em&gt;Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics&lt;/em&gt;, 2019; 41(1): 1-14.  &lt;br /&gt;Calabrese, A., Wetzels, W. L. Loan phonology: issues and controversies. In: Calabrese, A., Wetzels, W.L. (Eds.), &lt;em&gt;Loan Phonology&lt;/em&gt;. John Benjamins Publishing Company, Amsterdam/ Philadelphia, 2009, 1-10.  &lt;br /&gt;Guo, H. L. Mandarin Loanword Phonology and OptimalityTheory: Evidence from Transliterated American State Names and Typhoon Names. &lt;em&gt;Graduate&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt; &lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;Programme in&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt; &lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;Linguistics&lt;/em&gt;. Taipei: National Chenghi University; 1999.&lt;br /&gt;Jacobs, H &amp; Gussenhoven, C. Loan phonology: Perception, Salience, the Lexicon and OT. &lt;em&gt;Optimality Theory: Phonology,&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt; &lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;syntax, and acquisition &lt;/em&gt;ed. by Joost Dekkers, Frank van der Leeuw &amp; Jeroen van de Weijer. Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2000, 193-210.&lt;br /&gt;Kambouzia, A. K. Z., &amp; Hashemi, E. Phonological&lt;em&gt; Adaptation &lt;/em&gt;of   Vowels of &lt;em&gt;Arabic &lt;/em&gt;loanwords in Persian: An &lt;em&gt;Optimality Theoretic&lt;/em&gt;    &lt;em&gt;account&lt;/em&gt;. &lt;em&gt;Language Related Research [Jostârhây-e Zabaâni]&lt;/em&gt;, 2015; 6(7): 229-257. [In Persian].&lt;br /&gt;Kenstowicz, M. &amp; Suchato, A. Issues in Loanword Adaptation: A Case Study from Thai. &lt;em&gt;Lingua&lt;/em&gt;, 2006; 116(7): 921–949.&lt;br /&gt;Ozaki, S. Notes on English Loanwords in Japanese: Major Sound Transformations. &lt;em&gt;Kiyo 15&lt;/em&gt;, Nagayo Bunri University, 2014, 29-40.&lt;br /&gt;Rungruang, A. &lt;em&gt;English Loanwords in Thai and Optimality&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt; &lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;Theory&lt;/em&gt;. Phisanulok: Naresuan University Dissertation; 2007.&lt;br /&gt;Sarrami, V. &lt;em&gt;An Optimality-Theoretic Analysis of English words  Nativization in Persian.&lt;/em&gt; Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Isfahan: Isfahan University; 2022. [In Persian].&lt;br /&gt;Silverman, D. Multiple scansions in loanword phonology: evidence from Cantonese. &lt;em&gt;Phonology&lt;/em&gt;, 1992; &lt;em&gt;9&lt;/em&gt;(2), 289-328.    &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">هدف این پژوهش توصیفی- تحلیلی در چارچوب نظریۀ بهینگی و برمبنای «انگارۀ دیدگاه واج‌شناختی»، این بود که مشخص کند دو لهجۀ بریتانیایی و آمریکایی چه تأثیری بر تلفظ وام‌واژه‌های انگلیسی در زبان فارسی داشته‌اند. ‌به سخنی فنی‌تر، هدف این پژوهش که در حوزۀ واج‌شناسی وام‌واژه‌ها انجام شده تعیین میزان تأثیرگذاری این دو لهجه بر درون‌داد وام‌واژه‌های انگلیسی و نیز پاسخ به این پرسش بود که تلفظ این وام‌واژه‌ها در زبان فارسی با کدام لهجۀ زبان انگلیسی نزدیکی یا انطباق واجی بیشتری دارد. برای این پژوهش، چهار مورد از تفاوت‌های مهم دو لهجۀ بریتانیایی و آمریکایی در شیوة تلفظ واج‌های /r/، /oU/، /A/ و /j/ که بر تلفظ وام‌واژه‌های انگلیسی در زبان فارسی تأثیرگذارند بررسی شد تا مشخص شود چه فرایندهایی رخ داده‌است و چه محدودیت یا محدودیت‌هایی و با چه رتبه‌ای عامل رخداد یا عدم رخداد این فرایندها هستند. یافته‌ها نشان داد که درون‌داد وام‌واژه‌های انگلیسی در زبان فارسی در سه مورد متأثر از لهجۀ آمریکایی و در یک مورد تأثیرگرفته از لهجۀ بریتانیایی است. به همین شکل تلفظ وام‌واژه‌ها نیز در سه مورد مطابق با لهجۀ آمریکایی است و در یک مورد با لهجۀ بریتانیایی انطباق دارد.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه گیلان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2476-6585</Issn>
				<Volume>9</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Combinational Complex Predicates in Coastal Baluchi of Chabahar</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>افعال مرکب ترکیبی در بلوچی ساحلی چابهار</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>135</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>154</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">9048</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22124/plid.2025.29187.1700</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>عبدالخلیل</FirstName>
					<LastName>تباسیده</LastName>
<Affiliation>کارشناس ارشد گروه زبان انگلیسی، دانشکده مدیریت و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه دریانوردی چابهار، چابهار، ایران.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>ناهید</FirstName>
					<LastName>یاراحمدزهی</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار گروه زبان انگلیسی. دانشکده مدیریت و علوم انسانی.دانشگاه دریانوردی چابهار. چابهار، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>مهدی</FirstName>
					<LastName>صفایی قلاتی</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار گروه زبان انگلیسی، دانشکده مدیریت و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه دریانوردی چابهار، چابهار، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-6952-2646</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>06</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>This study investigates combinational compound verbs in Coastal Baluchi, spoken in southern Baluchistan, Iran, focusing on their structure and formation processes. To this end, the target data- compound verbs in Coastal Baluchi - were initially extracted from the first volume of the BaluchiـPersian Dictionary (Jahandideh, 2017) using the linguistic intuition of one of the authors, a native speaker of Coastal Baluchi. The extracted verbs were then alphabetically arranged. Subsequently, 30 native speakers of Coastal Baluchi were selected as research participants through purposive sampling. The collected data were verified through interviews by the researcher, during which the native speakers confirmed whether the extracted verbs belonged to the Coastal Baluchi dialect. The compound verbs identified as Coastal Baluchi were analyzed within the study&#039;s theoretical framework and classified based on the lexical category of the nonverbal element. The findings revealed that in Coastal Baluchi, the process of combining nonverbal elements such as nouns, adjectives, past participles, adverbs, and prepositional phrases with certain simple verbs leads to the formation of compound verbs. The most prevalent pattern of compound verb formation involves the combination of nouns with simple verbs.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Extended Abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;1.Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Baluchi is classified within the Northwestern branch of Iranian languages and is spoken across a wide geographical area in Iran, Pakistan, Oman, and the United Arab Emirates. One of its most prominent varieties is Coastal Baluchi, widely spoken along the Makoran coast and particularly in Chabahar. As in other Iranian languages, complex predicates play a central role in expanding the verbal system and enabling the expression of abstract and nuanced meanings. Despite some preliminary studies on verbal elements of compound verbs in Baluchi, there has been no comprehensive investigation of non-verbal elements in compound verbs of the Coastal variety. To address this gap, the present study examines and describes combinational compound verbs in Coastal Baluchi, focusing on their structural components and processes of formation. The study seeks to answer two key questions: (1) What types of combinational compound verbs exist in Coastal Baluchi? (2) Which structural pattern is most productive in the formation of these verbs, particularly with regard to the grammatical category of the non-verbal element?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;2.Theoretical Framework&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The analysis is grounded in Dabirmoghadam’s (1997) theoretical perspective on complex predicates in Persian. Dabirmoghadam defines a compound verb as a structure formed by the combination of a non-verbal element - such as a noun, adjective, past participle, adverb, or prepositional phrase - with a simple verb. This process constitutes a type of morphological compounding within the lexicon and is highly productive in Persian as well as in other Northwestern Iranian languages. Light verbs, such as kardan (to do), zadan (to hit), dādan (to give), and gereftan (to take), are especially common in the formation of compound verbs. Since Baluchi belongs to the same branch of Iranian languages, Dabirmoghadam’s framework provides a suitable foundation for analyzing compound verb structures in Coastal Baluchi and for comparing them with those of Persian and related languages.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This research employed a mixed-method and data-driven approach. The dataset was extracted from the first volume of the Baluchi-Persian Dictionary compiled by Jahandideh (2017). Using the linguistic intuition of one of the researchers, a native speaker of Coastal Baluchi, an initial list of compound verbs was compiled and arranged alphabetically. To ensure reliability, thirty native speakers of Coastal Baluchi were selected through purposive sampling. In interviews, they verified whether the extracted items truly belonged to the Coastal dialect. The verified data were then analyzed within Dabirmoghadam’s theoretical framework and categorized based on the grammatical class of the non-verbal element. Both qualitative and quantitative analyses were carried out, and the results were further compared with findings from similar studies in other Iranian languages.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;4.Results and Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The findings indicate that out of 2,562 verbal combinations initially extracted, 711 were identified as belonging to Coastal Baluchi. These compound verbs fall into four major categories: (1) adjective + verb (192 items), (2) noun + verb (440 items), (3) prepositional phrase + verb (12 items), and (4) past participle + auxiliary verb (67 items). Quantitatively, the noun + verb pattern is the most productive, accounting for approximately 62% of all compound verbs in the dataset. Within this group, light verbs such as &lt;em&gt;kanag&lt;/em&gt; (“to do”), &lt;em&gt;dajag&lt;/em&gt; (“to give”), &lt;em&gt;dʒanag&lt;/em&gt; (“to hit”), &lt;em&gt;gerag&lt;/em&gt; (“to take”), and &lt;em&gt;bajag&lt;/em&gt; (“to become”) occur most frequently. Examples include &lt;em&gt;passo dajag &lt;/em&gt;(“to answer”), &lt;em&gt;tʃietk dʒanag&lt;/em&gt; (“to scream”), and &lt;em&gt;bon gerag&lt;/em&gt; (“to catch fire”), which demonstrate the wide semantic range generated by this pattern.&lt;br /&gt;In the adjective + verb category, the light verbs &lt;em&gt;kanag&lt;/em&gt; (to do) and &lt;em&gt;bajag&lt;/em&gt; (to become) are predominant. Constructions such as andiem bajag (“to become hidden”) and &lt;em&gt;dilmānag kanag&lt;/em&gt; (“to encourage, to instill hope”) show how adjectives are incorporated into verbal structures, often expressing psychological states or qualitative conditions.&lt;br /&gt;The prepositional phrase + verb category, while relatively rare, illustrates the syntactic flexibility of the language. Examples include pa &lt;em&gt;sār kanag&lt;/em&gt; (“to bring to consciousness”) and &lt;em&gt;pa kār bajag&lt;/em&gt; (“to be required”), both of which highlight the ability of Baluchi to incorporate prepositional groups into verbal constructions, albeit less productively than in Persian.&lt;br /&gt;The fourth category involves past participle + auxiliary verb combinations, where &lt;em&gt;bajag&lt;/em&gt; (to become) functions as a passive auxiliary. Verbs such as &lt;em&gt;eʃkonag bajag&lt;/em&gt; (“to be heard”) and &lt;em&gt;batʃtʃienag bajag&lt;/em&gt; (“to be rescued”) exemplify this group and reflect the role of compound verbs in forming passive structures in Coastal Baluchi.&lt;br /&gt;From a semantic perspective, many Coastal Baluchi compound verbs lack simple, non-compound counterparts. Their meanings emerge only through the combinational process, and in numerous cases the result is metaphorical or idiomatic. For instance, &lt;em&gt;puek bajag&lt;/em&gt; (“to become foolish”) and &lt;em&gt;palmal bandag&lt;/em&gt; (“to make excuses”) illustrate the opaque and figurative character of many compounds. Such features underscore the productivity and dynamic nature of the verbal system.&lt;br /&gt;Comparative analysis revealed strong similarities between Coastal Baluchi and other Northwestern Iranian languages, including Hawrami Kurdish, Mazandarani, and Gilaki. In all these languages, the noun + verb pattern is dominant. However, a notable difference is the very limited role of adverbs in Baluchi compound verb formation, whereas in Persian and some neighboring dialects adverbs serve as common non-verbal elements. This distinction suggests that while Baluchi shares overarching typological tendencies with related languages, it also demonstrates an independent evolutionary trajectory.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;5.Conclusions and Suggestions&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This study demonstrates that combinational compound verbs in Coastal Baluchi are highly productive, with noun + verb combinations serving as the dominant pattern. These structures, largely based on light verbs, form an extensive network of semantic expressions. The results confirm significant parallels with Persian and other Northwestern Iranian languages, thereby contributing to our understanding of historical and typological continuities across the Iranian language family.&lt;br /&gt;Nevertheless, the study was limited to data from the first volume of the Baluchi–Persian Dictionary and to speakers of the Coastal variety in Chabahar. Further research should expand the dataset to include other sources and dialects of Baluchi. Comparative studies across additional Iranian languages could also shed light on the diachronic development of compound verb structures. Finally, considering the influence of Persian as the national standard language and the declining use of Baluchi in educational and media contexts, systematic documentation and analysis of Baluchi compound verbs and other grammatical structures is of critical importance for preserving this linguistic heritage.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Select Bibliography&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Abdi, M. A. &lt;em&gt;Fe‘l-e morakkab dar zabān-e Kurdi-ye Howrāmi dar chārchub-e nazariye-ye hākemiyat va marja‘ gozini [Compound verbs in Hawrami Kurdish within the framework of Government and Binding theory]&lt;/em&gt;, (Master’s thesis, Payam-e Noor University); 2010. [In Persian].&lt;br /&gt;Dabirmoghadam, M. Fe‘l-e morakkab dar zabān-e fārsi [Compound verbs in Persian]. Zabān-shenāsi, 1997; 12(1–2): 2–46 [In Persian].&lt;br /&gt;Hosseini, S. H. &lt;em&gt;Sākht-e fe‘l-e morakkab dar māzandarāni az manzar-e shenākhti [The structure of compound verbs in Mazandarani from a cognitive perspective],&lt;/em&gt; (Master’s thesis, Semnan University); 2017. [In Persian].&lt;br /&gt;Heydari-Nejad, A., Akbari, H., &amp; Naseri, R. “Barrasi-ye tatbiqi-ye sāxtār-e fe‘l-e morakkab dar zabān-hā-ye Gilaki, Tāleshi va Tāti” [A comparative study of compound verb structures in Gilaki, Talyshi, and Tati]. &lt;em&gt;Motāle‘āt-e zabān-hā-ye Irāni&lt;/em&gt;, 2021; 3(2): 1–28. [In Persian].&lt;br /&gt;Jahan-dideh, A. &lt;em&gt;Farhang-e Baluchi–Fārsi [Baluchi–Persian Dictionary]&lt;/em&gt;. Tehran: Mo‘in, 2017. [In Persian].&lt;br /&gt;Rabāni Irandegān, M. S. &lt;em&gt;Barrasi-ye hamkard dar fe‘l-hā-ye morakkab dar zabān-e Baluchi bar asās-e farhang-e Baluchi–Fārsi [An analysis of light verbs in compound verbs of Baluchi based on the Baluchi–Persian Dictionary]&lt;/em&gt; (Master’s thesis, University of Velayat, Iranshahr); 2020. [In Persian].&lt;br /&gt;Rezai, M. &lt;em&gt;Compound verbs in Talyshi: A descriptive study&lt;/em&gt; (Master’s thesis). University of Manchester; 2011.&lt;br /&gt;Sharif, B. A historical-analytical study of compound verbs in Iranian languages. Journal of Modern Iranian Languages; 2023; 4(1): 51–75. DOI: 10.22054/ls. 2023.73568.1578&lt;br /&gt;Shokri, G. &lt;em&gt;Barrasi-ye sāxtār-e fe‘l-hā-ye morakkab dar zabān-e Gilaki (guyesh-e Lāhijān) [A study of compound verbs in Gilaki (Lahijan dialect)]&lt;/em&gt; (Master’s thesis, Tarbiat Modares University); 2001. [In Persian].&lt;br /&gt;Zarei, S. &lt;em&gt;Barrasi-ye fe‘l-hā-ye morakkab va pishvandi dar zabān-e Kurdi (lahje-ye Kelahri) bā takiye bar āsār-e adabi-ye mo‘āser [A study of compound and prefixed verbs in Kurdish (Kelhuri dialect) based on contemporary literature]&lt;/em&gt; (Master’s thesis, Ilam University); 2018. [In Persian].</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">مسألة پژوهش حاضر بررسی و توصیف فعل مرکب ترکیبی در بلوچی ساحلی رایج در جنوب بلوچستان ایران، براساس اجزای ساختاری تشکیل‌دهنده و شیوة تشکیل آنهاست. برای این منظور داده‌های هدف (افعال مرکب زبان بلوچی ساحلی) به کمک شم زبانی یکی از نگارندگان که خود گویشور بلوچی ساحلی است، از جلد اول فرهنگ لغت بلوچی ـ فارسی (جهاندیده، ۱۳۹۶) استخراج و براساس حروف الفبا مرتب شد. سپس پژوهشگر داده‌های گردآوری­شده با مصاحبه را در اختیار مشارکان پژوهش، از گویشوران بومی بلوچی ساحلی، قرار داد تا تعلق داده‌ها به گویش بلوچی ساحلی تأیید شود. سپس فعل‌های مرکب متعلق به بلوچی ساحلی باتوجه ‌به چارچوب نظری پژوهش تجزیه‌وتحلیل و براساس مقوله واژگانی عنصر غیرفعلی طبقه‌بندی شد. نتایج به‌دست‌آمده نشان داد که در بلوچی ساحلی عناصر غیرفعلی با مقولة واژگانی اسم، صفت، اسم‌مفعول، قید و گروه حرف‌اضافه‌ای، با برخی از فعل‌های ساده ترکیب می&lt;sub&gt;­&lt;/sub&gt;شوند. در این بین، ترکیب اسم با فعل ساده الگوی غالب تشکیل فعل مرکب ترکیبی در بلوچی ساحلی ­است.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">فعل مرکب</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">بلوچی ساحلی</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">ترکیب.           </Param>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه گیلان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2476-6585</Issn>
				<Volume>9</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Criticism Of Mystic Terms in Moʿin's Persian Dictionary</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>نقد و بررسی اصطلاحات عرفانی در فرهنگ فارسی معین</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>155</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>180</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">9080</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22124/plid.2025.29066.1703</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>بهزاد</FirstName>
					<LastName>عباس زاده</LastName>
<Affiliation>دانشجوی دکتری زبان و ادبیات فارسی، گرایش ادبیات عرفانی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهید مدنی آذربایجان، تبریز، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>رحمان</FirstName>
					<LastName>مشتاق مهر</LastName>
<Affiliation>استاد گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهید مدنی آذربایجان، تبریز، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0001-5097-651X</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>احمد</FirstName>
					<LastName>گلی</LastName>
<Affiliation>استاد گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهید مدنی آذربایجان، تبریز، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
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				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>29</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The present study is a review of the quality and quantity of the definitions of mysticism and Sufism terms in a &lt;em&gt;Mo&#039;in&lt;/em&gt;&#039;s&lt;em&gt; &lt;/em&gt;Persian dictionary. In this dictionary, about 574 mysticism and Sufism terms are defined with a brief approach. The results of the research show that despite the fact that mentioning the detailed guidelines about the term and terminology in the introduction has been neglected; but the system of phonetic transcription and marking of terms is uniform, accurate and scientific. Definitions are far from complicated expressions and are close to the language of the contemporary audience. The dictionary has its own language in the definitions and there are no extreme references and quotations to ancient prose texts. Only 51% of the definitions, in a short form, are quoted from the texts. In the definition of terms, the dictionary relies on prose texts, especially the thesauruses and works of Jafar Sajjadi, and the example of poetry is very weak and limited. Of course, the system of choosing Sufism terms is not very precise and clear. And there are words that, despite having mystical definitions, are not considered part of Sufism terms; therefore, the authors conduct a quantitative and qualitative review of Sufi terms in this dictionary with a critical attitude and by extracting terms from the dictionary, accurate statistics from the sources used, and poetic and textual evidence.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Extended abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;1.Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Farhang-e Farsi-ye Mo‘in&lt;/em&gt; is considered one of the most important Persian dictionaries after Dehkhoda’s Loghatnameh. However, critical reviews and the correction of potential shortcomings should not be overlooked, as “lexicography is a risky endeavor that, no matter how well-equipped with sound theories, is never free of deficiencies” (Anvari, 2002: 14). Critiquing general dictionaries can guide the compilation of forthcoming comprehensive works, such as a Comprehensive Persian Language Dictionary (Jafari, 2013: 77).&lt;br /&gt;Previous research on Farhang-e Moʿin has largely been general and descriptive, primarily introducing and evaluating the dictionary overall; for instance, Fazilat (2005: 69-80) emphasized the need to revise the section on foreign compounds. Investigations of mystical and Sufi terminology have been limited, such as Pourjavadi’s (1997: 52-65) article analyzing only three entries (tavāle΄, lavāme΄ &amp; lavāyeh). To date, no independent study has addressed the topic comprehensively. This research therefore assesses Moʿin’s accuracy and rigor in selecting and defining Sufi terms, his method of definition, referencing, language, comprehensiveness, utility, and comparison with specialized lexicons.&lt;br /&gt;In the dictionary preface, Moʿin does not provide a clear methodology for defining and selecting Sufi and other technical terms. Since a substantial portion of dictionary entries consists of terms from various sciences, the absence of such a methodological guideline has caused inconsistencies and deficiencies in entry compilation.&lt;br /&gt;Moʿin avoids excessive citations and adopts a concise approach in defining terms; unlike Dehkhoda, his definitions are not direct quotations from source texts. Only half of the entries include references, while the remainder are presented in simple and engaging language without citation. These definitions, framed within a general dictionary, are logical, practical, and broadly consistent with scientific lexicographical standards. Although the number of mystical terms differs from specialized Sufi lexicons, over half of the definitions are drawn from the philosophical and mystical works of Jafar Sajjadi.&lt;br /&gt;The authors first analyzed basic information regarding the total number of entries, sources of definitions, linguistic roots, grammatical structure, and comparison with specialized lexicons. They then examined the definitions, sources, examples, entry methodology, and quality of definitions, avoiding the generalizations common in Farhang-e Moʿin.&lt;br /&gt;2.&lt;strong&gt;Theoretical framework&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sidney Landau, in &lt;em&gt;Dictionaries: The Art and Craft of Lexicography&lt;/em&gt;, proposed criteria for evaluating dictionaries, including the preface, grammatical identity of entries, pronunciation, use of abbreviations, arrangement of entries, intended audience, usability, and quality of definitions (Landau, 1991, p.6; see also Landau, 2020). Based on these criteria, the present study examines &lt;em&gt;Farhang-e Farsi-ye Mo‘in&lt;/em&gt;, analyzing both quantitatively and qualitatively its preface, approach to term selection, intended readership, language and quality of definitions, sources and evidential examples, and the number and scope of mystical terms.&lt;br /&gt;3.&lt;strong&gt;Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The present study employs a descriptive-analytical and critical approach. Its focus is on the relationship between mystical terms and general dictionaries. The theoretical framework is based on Sidney Landau’s principles of definition and lexicography. Initially, Sufi terms were extracted from &lt;em&gt;Farhang-e Farsi-ye &lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;Mo&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;ʿ&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;in&lt;/em&gt;. Out of an overall corpus of approximately 150,000 entries, 574 Sufi terms were identified, representing about 0.38% of all entries. The definitions of these terms and their sources were analyzed according to lexicographical evaluation criteria, assessing both quality and effectiveness. Subsequently, a quantitative examination of sources and evidential examples, including poetic and textual instances, was conducted.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; 4.&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Results &amp; Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In &lt;em&gt;Farhang-e Farsi-ye Mo&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;ʿ&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;in&lt;/em&gt;, insufficient attention has been paid to the concept of terms and the entry of mystical terms. Unlike Dehkhoda, Moʿin uses a single marker for Sufi terms and applies precise and scientific transcription; however, inconsistencies exist in entry selection. About 11 entries with mystical definitions are not recognized as terms (e.g., Jebreil, Arba‘in, Maqamat-e Ma‘navi), whereas some words without mystical definitions are treated as terms (e.g., parcheh, ajsam, bozorg).&lt;br /&gt;Compared to Dehkhoda, Farhang-e Moʿin provides limited source citation: only approximately %51 of mystical terms include references, while Dehkhoda cites sources for about %94 of entries. Moʿin gradually began citing sources from the second half of the dictionary (from the letter “ḥ”), leaving many initial entries (from “ā” to “ch”) without references. Citation practices are inconsistent; for example, simple entries like &lt;em&gt;shuhud&lt;/em&gt; include a source, whereas more complex entries such as &lt;em&gt;shar&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;ḥ&lt;/em&gt; and &lt;em&gt;ijtibā’&lt;/em&gt; lack one, despite the text clearly not being original.&lt;br /&gt;Reference consistency is also lacking, with some sources cited incompletely or without page details, as in &lt;em&gt;emtehān&lt;/em&gt;, &lt;em&gt;azal&lt;/em&gt;, and &lt;em&gt;*ī&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;ḥ&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;ā’&lt;/em&gt;. The majority of mystical definitions (around %60) are drawn from Jafar Sajjadi’s works, highlighting the significant role of specialized lexicons in shaping general dictionaries.&lt;br /&gt;Definitions are generally concise and appropriate for a general audience, but the language is not uniform. Due to the nature of mystical terms, some definitions retain complex, classical expressions (e.g., &lt;em&gt;abadiyat&lt;/em&gt;, &lt;em&gt;dahash&lt;/em&gt;, &lt;em&gt;zawq&lt;/em&gt;, &lt;em&gt;dabur&lt;/em&gt;, &lt;em&gt;ahad&lt;/em&gt;). Occasionally, the main entry is not defined and is instead cross-referenced to an antonym or related term, sometimes creating a chain of references; for instance, &lt;em&gt;inqibā&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;ḍ&lt;/em&gt; refers to &lt;em&gt;inbisāt&lt;/em&gt;, which refers to &lt;em&gt;bast&lt;/em&gt;, and finally to &lt;em&gt;qab&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;ḍ&lt;/em&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;The use of poetic examples is minimal. Of the 574 mystical entries, only 33 (about %6) include poetic evidence, totaling nearly 40 verses, with over two-thirds (approximately %66) drawn from Hafez and Rumi.&lt;br /&gt;5.&lt;strong&gt;Conclusions &amp; Suggestions&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The present study examines the quality of definitions of mystical terms in &lt;em&gt;Farhang-e Farsi-ye Mo&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;ʿ&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;in&lt;/em&gt;. Moʿin succeeds in consistent transcription, uniform marking of terms, and providing concise, practical definitions suitable for a general dictionary. However, the entry system for Sufi terms lacks clear criteria, and it is sometimes unclear how an entry is designated as a term. The detailed preface does not provide a precise methodology for defining or creating terms.&lt;br /&gt;Moʿin’s citation system is inconsistent, with approximately half of the definitions lacking sources. In some cases, a simple entry includes a reference, whereas a more complex one does not. Definitions rely primarily on contemporary prose rather than classical texts or older lexicons, and poetic examples are seldom used. Overall, the definitions are adapted to the dictionary’s audience: they are mostly concise, simple, and expressed in contemporary language.&lt;br /&gt;155-180.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Select Bibliography&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Anvari, H.  &lt;em&gt;Farhang-e Sokhan (Sokhan Comprehensive Dictionary)&lt;/em&gt;. Tehran: Sokhan; 2004. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Dehkhoda, A. &lt;em&gt;Dehkhoda Dictionary&lt;/em&gt;. Tehran University, 1998. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Fazilat, M. The necessity of revising the section on foreign compounds in Farhang-e Farsi-ye Mo‘in. &lt;em&gt;Research in Persian Language and Literature&lt;/em&gt;, New Series, 2005; 4: 69–80.&lt;br /&gt;Goharin, S&lt;em&gt;. Sharh-e Estelahat-e Tasavvuf&lt;/em&gt; (2nd ed.). Tehran: Zavar; 1997. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Jafari, Z. An overview of the category of dictionary criticism and its basics. &lt;em&gt;Especial Issue of Farhangestan-e- Farhang-nevisi, 2013,&lt;/em&gt; 5&amp;6.&lt;br /&gt; http://ensani.ir/fa/article/324590 /[In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Landau, S. &lt;em&gt;Dictionaries the art and craft of lexicography.&lt;/em&gt; (Afzali, M. &amp; Malekan, M. Trans.) Bahar book;&lt;em&gt; &lt;/em&gt;2020&lt;em&gt;.&lt;/em&gt; [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Mo‘in, M. &lt;em&gt;Farhang-e Farsi-ye Mo‘in&lt;/em&gt; (8th ed., 6 vols.). Tehran: Amir Kabir; 1992. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Pourjavady, N. Sufi terms in Moin dictionary, review of the three terms tavāle&lt;strong&gt;&lt;sup&gt;΄&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;, lavāme&lt;strong&gt;&lt;sup&gt;΄&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;sub&gt; &lt;/sub&gt;&amp;&lt;sub&gt; &lt;/sub&gt;lavāyeh. &lt;em&gt;Especial Issue of Farhangestan-e- Farhang-nevisi&lt;/em&gt;, 1997; 11: 52-65. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Sajjadi, J. Tahuri. &lt;em&gt;Glossary of mystic terms and interpretations. &lt;/em&gt;Tahoori books; 2004. [In Persian]</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">پژوهش حاضر نقد و بررسی کم‌وکیف تعاریف اصطلاحات عرفان و تصوف در فرهنگ فارسی معین است. در این فرهنگ حدود 574 اصطلاح عرفان و تصوف به اجمال تعریف شده‌است. دستاوردهای پژوهش نشان می‌دهد با وجود اینکه ذکر شیوه‌نامۀ دقیق دربارۀ اصطلاح و اصطلاح­پردازی در مقدمه مغفول مانده‌است؛ اما نظام آوانگاری و علامت‌گذاری اصطلاحات، یکدست، دقیق و علمی است. تعریفات تا حدود زیادی به‌دوراز عبارت‌پردازی‌های متکلفانه و نزدیک به زبان مخاطب معاصر است. فرهنگ در تعاریف، زبان مخصوص خود را دارد و خبری از ارجاعات و نقل قول‌های افراطی به متون منثور کهن نیست. تنها 51% از تعاریف، به‌صورت کوتاه، منقول از متون است. فرهنگ در تعریف اصطلاحات متکی بر متون نثر مخصوصا اصطلاح‌نامه‌ها و آثار جعفر سجادی است و شاهد مثال شعر بسیار کم‌رنگ و محدود است. البته نظام مدخل­گزینی اصطلاحات تصوف چندان دقیق و روشن نیست و مدخل‌هایی هست که با وجود تعاریف عرفانی جزءِ اصطلاحات تصوف دانسته نشده‌اند؛ ازاین‌رو، پژوهشگران با رویکردی انتقادی و برپایة احصای اصطلاحات، همراه با ارائة آمار دقیق از منابع و شواهد شعری و متنی، به تحلیل کمی و کیفی اصطلاحات صوفیانه در این فرهنگ پرداخته‌اند.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">فرهنگ معین</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">اصطلاح</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">عرفان و تصوف</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_9080_1116a98fd4a83afcebb7f29ce63defb0.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه گیلان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2476-6585</Issn>
				<Volume>9</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Correction of Certain Expressions, Sentences, and Verses in Khayrāt Ḥisān and a Supplement to It</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>تصحیح برخی عبارات، جملات و ابیات خیرات حسان و تکمله‌ای بر آن</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>181</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>206</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">9072</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22124/plid.2025.31242.1727</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>اصغر</FirstName>
					<LastName>اسمعیلی</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار زبان و ادبیات فارسی پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی، تهران، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>21</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Khayrāt Ḥisān is a biographical anthology from the Qajar period, rich in historical, literary, and social information, attributes that lend it an encyclopedic character. Due to the inaccessibility of its lithographic edition, a new critical edition was published in 2015 (1394 AH) by Dr. Abolghasem Radfar and Robab Sadeghi Oskooei. The shortcomings of this edition may be categorized into three general groups: 1) Errors originating from Etemad al Saltaneh, particularly in his translations from Turkish or in the transcription of book titles and poems, issues that the editors overlooked, which consequently found their way into the printed edition. 2) Editorial errors made by the recent editors themselves in reading or transcribing names and verses. This includes mistakes in the critical apparatus, misattribution of sources, faulty transcription of Turkish verses, inaccuracies in the names of books and figures, misinterpretation of certain terms and idioms, as well as typographical errors, all of which are discussed and evaluated. 3) The absence of annotations where they were clearly needed, and the lack of essential indexes. Given the work’s inclusion of numerous names of individuals, places, books, Qur’anic verses, hadiths, proverbs, Arabic, Persian, and Turkish verses, and Turkish vocabulary, the absence of such tools presents significant challenges for researchers. The present study addresses these issues by examining the meanings of words and idioms, drawing on internal textual evidence, comparing with the lithographic edition, consulting the Mashahir al-Nisa (in Turkish), and, in certain cases, referencing the divans and writings of poets and authors whose works are cited in Khayrāt Ḥisān. Through the correction of these errors and the addition of explanatory notes and annotations, a more refined and reliable version of the text can be offered to readers.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Extended abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;1.Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;em&gt;Khayrāt Ḥisān&lt;/em&gt; is a book containing biographical accounts of renowned women from various historical periods up to the Qajar era, including figures from Iran, the Ottoman Empire, the Arab world, and India. Their transmitted sayings, poetry, architectural works, and miraculous deeds are presented throughout their biographies.&lt;br /&gt;In the preface, Eʿtemād al-Salṭaneh, after elaborating on the dignity of women, notes that he had intended to conduct a comprehensive study of famous women when he encountered &lt;em&gt;Mashāhīr al-Nisāʾ&lt;/em&gt; by Muḥammad Zihnī Efendi. He used that book as a foundation, adding to it and entitling the result &lt;em&gt;Khayrāt Ḥisān&lt;/em&gt;. Since &lt;em&gt;Mashāhīr al-Nisāʾ&lt;/em&gt; was written in Ottoman Turkish, Eʿtemād al-Salṭaneh essentially translated the lives of famous women into Persian, while also authoring and inserting additional sections.&lt;br /&gt;The work was first published in lithographic form in three volumes between 1304–1307 AH and was reprinted in 2015 by the Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies (IHCS). The introduction to the reprint explains its purpose as follows: given the rarity of the original lithographic edition after more than a century, the Department of Textual Criticism at IHCS, under the efforts of Dr. Abolqāsem Rādfar and Robāb Sādeqī-Askūʾī, resolved to publish a modern, revised edition. Among the advantages of this edition is the translation of all Arabic poems contained in the text.&lt;br /&gt;Apart from this merit, however, the lithographic version was almost entirely reproduced as-is, with its misreadings and transcription errors intact. The text lacks annotations and explanatory notes. Moreover, due to the abundance of Turkish verses, their transcription is at times corrupt and left untranslated. Considering the profusion of personal and geographical names, it would have been highly appropriate for the editors to provide commentary and to compile indices of names, Qurʾanic verses, Persian, Arabic, and Turkish poetry, as well as other necessary lists, thereby increasing the scholarly utility of the work.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;2.Theoretical Framework&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This study is based on an examination of &lt;em&gt;Khayrāt Ḥisān&lt;/em&gt; from the perspective of textual criticism and involves comparison with both the Ottoman Turkish original &lt;em&gt;Mashāhīr al-Nisāʾ&lt;/em&gt; and the lithographic edition.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The printed edition of &lt;em&gt;Khayrāt Ḥisān&lt;/em&gt; was compared with both the lithographic text and Zihnī Efendi’s &lt;em&gt;Aʿlām al-Nisāʾ&lt;/em&gt;. Discrepancies were corrected. Additional reference was made to other texts and reputable Persian and Turkish dictionaries. Since the work contains Turkish vocabulary as well as personal and geographical names from the cultural domains of Iran, the Ottoman Empire, the Arab world, and India, necessary clarifications were added for each case in order to serve as a guide to readers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;4.Findings&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The edition of &lt;em&gt;Khayrāt Ḥisān&lt;/em&gt; prepared by Abolqāsem Rādfar and Robāb Sādeqī-Askūʾī contains the following issues:&lt;br /&gt;Errors inherited from Eʿtemād al-Salṭaneh’s own translation from Turkish or his transcription of book titles and poems, which the editors overlooked and which subsequently entered the published edition.&lt;br /&gt;Mistakes by the editors themselves in reading or recording names and verses.&lt;br /&gt;A lack of annotations where they are indispensable, as well as the absence of critical indices, despite the presence of numerous references to personal names, places, book titles, Qurʾanic verses, ḥadīth, proverbs, and Persian, Arabic, and Turkish verses and vocabulary. This omission has complicated the work of researchers consulting the text.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; 5.&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In this study, the editorial shortcomings of &lt;em&gt;Khayrāt Ḥisān&lt;/em&gt; are examined under two categories: general issues and other specific errors. In the general issues, attention is drawn to the neglect of the original source and its author as well as to the absence of essential indices in the edited text. In the category of specific errors, the following were addressed: correction of 21 passages (phrases, sentences, and verses); identification and citation of sources for 8 verses; correction of 17 Turkish verses; revision of 12 book titles; identification and correction of 13 personal and geographical names; explanation of 7 noteworthy terms and expressions; and detection of 20 typographical errors in the published edition.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt; 6.Conclusion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The editorial shortcomings of &lt;em&gt;Khayrāt Ḥisān&lt;/em&gt; fall into two groups: general issues and other specific errors. The general issues include neglect of the primary source (&lt;em&gt;Mashāhīr al-Nisāʾ&lt;/em&gt;) and its author, lack of essential indices, and absence of annotations. Correcting such deficiencies - by, for example, properly identifying the primary source and author of &lt;em&gt;Khayrāt Ḥisān&lt;/em&gt; and adding necessary indices and explanatory notes - would yield a more complete version, one that could assist scholars and also guide the general readership. The second part of this article, devoted to specific errors, deals with problems of textual correction, the sources of certain verses, corrections of Turkish poetry, transcription of book titles, recording of names, clarification of key terms and expressions, and typographical mistakes. Correcting these aspects as well would provide a more accurate version of the work. Taken together, the improvements discussed in this article would result in a properly revised edition of &lt;em&gt;Khayrāt Ḥisān&lt;/em&gt; for the benefit of researchers and interested readers alike.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Select Bibliography&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Eʿtemād al-Salṭaneh, M. Ḥ. b. &lt;em&gt;ʿAlī. &lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;Khayrāt Ḥisān&lt;/em&gt;, ed. with an introduction by Abolqāsem Rādfar and Robāb Sādeqī-Askūʾī. Tehran: Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies; 2015. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Eʿtemād al-Salṭaneh, M. H. b.&lt;em&gt;ʿAlī &lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;Khayrāt Ḥisān&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;.&lt;/em&gt; Ṭihrān: Wizārat-i Inṭibāʿāt va Dār al-Tarjama; 1886–1889. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Uzunçarşılı, H. I. &lt;em&gt;History of the Ottoman Empire&lt;/em&gt;, trans. Īraj Nowbakht. Tehran: Keyhān; 1998. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Dāmādī, S. M. &lt;em&gt;Shared Motifs in Persian and Arabic Literature&lt;/em&gt;. Tehran University; 2000. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Derāyatī, M. &lt;em&gt;Catalogue of Iranian Manuscripts&lt;/em&gt;. Tehran: Library, Museum, and Documentation Center of the Islamic Consultative Assembly; 2010. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Dowlatābādī, ʿA. &lt;em&gt;Dictionary of Turkish and Mongol Words in Persian Literature&lt;/em&gt;. Tabriz: Tabriz University; 2007. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Dehkhodā, ʿA-A. &lt;em&gt;Loghatnāmeh&lt;/em&gt;. Tehran: University of Tehran Press;1994.&lt;br /&gt;Zihnī Efendi, M. &lt;em&gt;Mashāhīr al-Nisāʾ&lt;/em&gt;. Maṭbaʿa ʿĀmira; 1878.  [In Turkish]&lt;br /&gt;Zāreʿ Shāh Morsī, P. &lt;em&gt;Shāh Morsī Dictionary&lt;/em&gt;. Tabriz: Akhtar Press in cooperation with Anās Press; 2008.&lt;br /&gt;Dīānat, A. &lt;em&gt;Historical Dictionary of Measures and Values&lt;/em&gt;, vols. 1–2. Tabriz: Nīmā; 1988. [In Persian]&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">خیرات حسان از آثار تذکره‌ای دورۀ قاجار است که اطلاعات فراوان تاریخی، ادبی و اجتماعی آن، اثر را به کتابی دایره‌المعار‌ف‌گونه تبدیل کرده‌است. با توجه به در دسترس نبودن نسخۀ چاپ سنگی اثر، چاپ و تصحیح جدیدی از آن به همت ابوالقاسم رادفر و رباب صادقی اسکویی در سال 1394ش. منتشر شد. درمجموع مشکلات این چاپ و تصحیح را در سه دسته می‌توان تقسیم کرد:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;مشکلاتی که اعتمادالسلطنه در ترجمه از ترکی یا در ضبط نام کتب و اشعار داشته و مصححان به آنها توجه نکرده‌اند و به نسخۀ چاپی فعلی راه یافته‌است.&lt;br /&gt;مشکلاتی که مصححان محترم در خواندن یا ضبط اسم‌ها و اشعار داشته‌اند؛ اشکالات تصحیح، مأخذ برخی ابیات، تصحیح بعضی ابیات ترکی، ضبط نام کتب، ضبط اعلام، برخی لغات و اصطلاحات شایان توضیح و خطاهای تایپی بحث و بررسی شده‌است.&lt;br /&gt;نبود تعلیقات در جاهایی که حتما تعلیقات نیاز بود و همچنین نداشتن فهارس لازم با توجه به احتوای اثر بر نام‌های مختلف اعلام، امکنه، کتب، آیات، احادیث، مثَل‌ها، ابیات عربی، ابیات فارسی، ابیات ترکی و لغات ترکی که راه را بر پژوهشگر متن دشوار کرده‌است.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;    تصحیح این موارد با توجه به معنای لغات و اصطلاحات، قرائن ادبی، قرائن خود متن، توجه و رجوع به متن چاپ سنگی اثر، متن مشاهیرالنساء (ترکی) و در مواردی رجوع به دیوان‌ها و آثار شاعران و نویسندگانی بود که شعر یا نثر از آن‌ها  در این کتاب نقل شده‌است. با تصحیح این اشکالات و خطاها و افزودن تعلیقات و ایضاحات، می‌توان نسخة منتقح‌تری را به مخاطبان عرضه کرد.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه گیلان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2476-6585</Issn>
				<Volume>9</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>A Contrastive Analysis of Conceptual Metaphors in Animal-Related Proverbs in Persian and Mazandarani from a Cognitive-Cultural Perspective</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>بررسی مقابله‌ای استعاره‌های مفهومی در ضرب‌المثل‌های حوزة حیوانات در فارسی و مازندرانی ازمنظر شناختی-فرهنگی</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>207</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>240</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">8698</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22124/plid.2025.28368.1685</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
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<Author>
					<FirstName>معصومه</FirstName>
					<LastName>دیانتی</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار زبان‌شناسی، گروه زبان انگلیسی، دانشکدة ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه یاسوج، یاسوج، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>بامشاد</FirstName>
					<LastName>حکمت شعار طبری</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار زبان و ادبیات انگلیسی، گروه زبان انگلیسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه یاسوج، یاسوج، ایران</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>بیژن</FirstName>
					<LastName>حکمت شعار طبری</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار گروه زبان انگلیسی، دانشکدة علوم انسانی، دانشگاه آیندگان، تنکابن، ایران</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0003-1393-6417</Identifier>

</Author>
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				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>03</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>By conducting a contrastive analysis of the conceptual metaphors in animal proverbs in Persian and Mazandarani, the present research seeks to explore the influence of culture on animal proverbs in the two languages and to indicate how context might lead to variation in metaphors and derived proverbs. To this end, 156 Persian and 264 Mazandarani proverbs were collected, and the metaphorical analysis was limited to the most frequent domestic and wild animals (including jackals, bears, donkeys, horses, camels, cows/calves, dogs, cats, chickens/roosters, and crows), as well as animals unique to Mazandarani proverbs. The analysis of the collected proverbs from a cognitive-cultural perspective (Kövecses, 2003; 2005) reveals that the diversity in the proverbs of the two languages sometimes stems from differences in the source domain of the ontological metaphor underlying the proverbs. That is, different source domains (different animal names) are used in the two languages to conceptualize the same abstract feature in the target domain. In other cases, the diversity results from the mapping of a single source domain (a specific animal name) to a range of different target domains (different abstract concepts) in the two languages. A comparison of the frequency of animal names in the proverbs also indicates that most animal names appear with different frequencies in the two languages. The analyses reveal that cross-cultural variation in metaphors and derived proverbs can be justified by considering the natural geography and living conditions of each language&#039;s speakers (physical context), as well as their shared everyday experiences and lifestyle (socio-cultural context).&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Extended abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;1.Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Proverbs, as significant manifestations of conceptual metaphor (Lakoff &amp; Johnson, 1980), reflect cultural values and beliefs. Among the various functions of the human cognitive system, the mapping of characteristics of non-human entities onto human behaviors and concepts - expressed through proverbs - is a common method of metaphorical conceptualization. Since animals have always played an integral role in human life, the human mind often uses metaphorical mappings of animal behaviors and characteristics onto human behaviors and concepts, particularly in the form of animal proverbs, to conceptualize abstract ideas. However, these metaphorical conceptualizations are frequently grounded in culture and shaped by social interactions. Kövecses (2003; 2005) argues that metaphors should be understood in relation to culture and society. Consequently, some studies have explored the impact of culture on conceptual metaphors (e.g., Yu, 2017; Musolff, 2017) or on animal proverbs (e.g., Belkhir, 2014; Pourhossein, 2016; Oukaci, 2021; Saralamba, 2021). This study aims to compare the conceptual metaphors in animal proverbs in Persian and Mazandarani from the cognitive-cultural perspective proposed by Kövecses (2003; 2005) and to answer the question of what differences exist in the metaphorical conceptualization of human behaviors, characteristics, and concepts in the forms of animal proverbs in these two languages.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;2.Theoretical Framework&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;From Aristotle to the present, numerous attempts have been made to define proverbs (e.g., Hain, 1963; Milner, 1969). In this study, we adopt Mieder’s (1985) definition of a proverb: “A proverb is a short, generally well-known saying in a culture that expresses wisdom, truth, a moral lesson, or a traditional view or opinion in a metaphorical way, with a fixed and memorable structure” (Mieder, 1985; cited in Mieder, 2004: 3). In recent years, influenced by cognitive linguistics, a cognitive-cultural approach to conceptual metaphor and proverbs has emerged, known as the cognitive-cultural theory of metaphor (Kövecses, 2003; 2005). This approach emphasizes the simultaneous influence of human cognitive structures and societal culture on the creation and understanding of metaphors, and consequently, proverbs. This framework, first proposed by Kövecses (2003; 2005), enhances Lakoff and Johnson’s (1980) theory of conceptual metaphor, which posits that both mental processes and culture are involved in shaping metaphors and proverbs (Belkhir, 2014; 2021).&lt;br /&gt;Kövecses (2003; 2005) identifies various factors contributing to the diversity of metaphors, including the physical environment, social context, and cultural context. He defines the physical environment as comprising a region’s geography, landscapes, plants, animals, houses, and similar elements (Kövecses, 2005: 232). He also highlights the social context as an influential factor, encompassing various social issues such as power relations, social pressures, and the social history of a society. Additionally, Kövecses (2005: 234) argues that cultural context plays a significant role, referring to the principles governing a culture or subculture and the broader context that informs a culture’s understanding of its prominent and unique concepts and values. In his view, cultural context includes all shared beliefs, values, customs, and folklore of a society that shape its thoughts and behaviors.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This study employed a library research method to gather a collection of animal proverbs in Persian and Mazandarani. In total, 156 Persian and 264 Mazandarani animal proverbs were compiled. The collected proverbs were categorized according to the animal names they contained, with the analysis focusing on the most common domestic and wild animals. Additionally, animals that appeared exclusively in Mazandarani proverbs were included in the final list. Ultimately, the proverbs were analyzed from three perspectives: source domain, target domain, and unique proverbs in each language.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;4.Results &amp; Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The comparative analysis of conceptual metaphors in animal proverbs in Persian and Mazandarani revealed notable differences between the two languages. Variations in the proverbs often stem from differences in the source domains of the underlying ontological metaphors. A single human behavior, value, or characteristic in the target domain is conceptualized using different source domains (animal names) in each language. For instance, while the ontological metaphor ‘a wicked and malicious person is an animal’ appears in proverbs from both languages, Persian uses ‘dog’ and ‘jackal’ as source domains, whereas Mazandarani utilizes ‘leopard’ and ‘cat.’&lt;br /&gt;Thus, although the structural metaphor ‘a person is an animal’ underlies most animal proverbs and several ontological metaphors are formed around it - sometimes observable in both languages - they exhibit variations at the source domain level. Additionally, the analysis indicates variations in the target domains of the conceptual metaphors underlying the proverbs. A single source domain may map to different target domains in Persian and Mazandarani. For example, in Persian, the source domain ‘jackal’ conceptualizes an inexperienced or cowardly person, while in Mazandarani, it conceptualizes an incompetent or greedy person.&lt;br /&gt;Consequently, variations in the source or target domains of metaphors reflect influences from both the physical environment - shaped by geographical and wildlife factors - and the socio-cultural context, which encompasses shared daily experiences, lifestyles, beliefs, and symbols of the speakers. A quantitative analysis of the data further revealed significant differences in the frequencies of animal names in the proverbs of the two languages. Attention to the natural geography and native species of the regions where these languages are spoken confirms the impact of the physical environment on metaphor formation and, consequently, on proverbs. Furthermore, considerations of the physical environment and living conditions, shared daily experiences and lifestyles of people in each region, along with their symbols and beliefs, highlight the socio-cultural context’s influence on metaphorical conceptualizations in animal proverbs. For example, the significantly different frequency of the word ‘camel’ in the proverbs of the two languages underscores the effects of both the physical and socio-cultural contexts.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;5.Conclusion &amp; Suggestions&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The results of this study suggest that speakers from different regions often unconsciously draw upon elements from their physical environment and socio-cultural context to comprehend metaphors and shape their conceptual worldview. These findings not only support Kövecses’s (2003; 2005) assertion that metaphors—and by extension, proverbs—are cognitive-cultural phenomena deserving of study in relation to culture and society, but also align with the findings of Liu (2013), Belkhir (2014), Pourhossein (2016), Oukaci (2021), and Saralamba (2021).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Select Bibliography&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Alireza A., Alavi Moghaddam, M., &amp; Tasnimi, A. “The metaphoric mappings of animal in proverbs extracted from Persian texts”. &lt;em&gt;Culture and Folk Literature&lt;/em&gt;; 2019; 7(26): 207-240. doi: 20.1001.1.23454466.1398.7.26.10.8  [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Belkhir, S. &lt;em&gt;Proverbs Use Between Cognition and Tradition in English, French, Arabic and Kabyle&lt;/em&gt;. Ph.D. thesis: Setiff University; 2014.&lt;br /&gt;Fayyazi, M. S. An image-schematic view to Guilaki proverbs in the domain of food and its related concepts. &lt;em&gt;Persian Language and Iranian Dialects&lt;/em&gt; 2022; 6(2), 265-287. doi: 10.22124/plid.2022.21640.1592. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Grady, J. Metaphor. In D. Geeraert and H. Cuyckens (eds.). &lt;em&gt;Handbook of Cognitive Linguistics&lt;/em&gt;; 2007: 188-213. Oxford: Oxford University Press.&lt;br /&gt;Golshaie, R., Mousavi, F., &amp; Haghbin, F. “A cognitive analysis of conceptual metaphors and image schemas in Azeri Turkish proverbs”. &lt;em&gt;Research in Western Iranian Languages and Dialects&lt;/em&gt;.&lt;em&gt; &lt;/em&gt;2020; 8(2): 81-101. doi: 10.22126/ jlw.2020.4548.1350. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Hajian Nejad A, Behzadian, S. M. An Analysis of the function of animal ymbols in Persian roverbs based on Bahmanyari story book. &lt;em&gt;Culture and Folk Literature&lt;/em&gt;. 2020; 8 (31) :122-156. doi: 20.1001.1.23454466.1399.8.31.2.7. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Kövecses, Z. &lt;em&gt;Metaphor: A Practical Iintroduction&lt;/em&gt;. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2002.Kӧvecses, Z. Language, figurative thought, and cross-cultural comparison. &lt;em&gt;Metaphor and Symbol&lt;/em&gt;. 2003; 18(4): 311-320.&lt;br /&gt;Kӧvecses, Z. &lt;em&gt;Metaphor in Culture: Universality and Variation&lt;/em&gt;. New York: Cambridge University Press. 2005.&lt;br /&gt;Rezaie, M., &amp; Moghimi, N. Study of the conceptual metaphors in Persian proverbs. &lt;em&gt;Journal of Linguistic and Rhetorical Studies&lt;/em&gt;. 2013; 4(8): 91-116. doi: 10.22075/jlrs.2017.1820. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Lakoff, G., and Johnson, M. &lt;em&gt;Metaphors We Live by&lt;/em&gt;. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1980.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">پژوهش حاضر می‌کوشد تا با تحلیل مقابله‌ای استعاره‌های مفهومی موجود در ضرب‌المثل‌های حیوانات در زبان‌های فارسی و مازندرانی، به بررسی تأثیر فرهنگ بر ضرب‌المثل‌های حیوانات در این دو گونة زبانی بپردازد و نشان دهد که چگونه بافت منجر به تنوع استعاره‌ها و درنتیجه ضرب‌المثل‌ها می‌گردد. بدین‌منظور ۱۵۶ ضرب‌المثل فارسی و ۲۶۴ ضرب‌المثل مازندرانی با روش کتابخانه‌ای گرد‌آوری شد و سپس تحلیل‌ استعاری حیواناتی که در ضرب‌المثل‌های مازندرانی وجود داشتند، محدود شد. تحلیل ضرب‌المثل‌های گردآوری‌شده از منظر رویکرد شناختی-فرهنگی نشان می‌دهد تنوع قابل‌مشاهده در ضرب‌المثل‌های دو زبان گاه به دلیل تفاوت در حوزة مبدأ استعارة هستی‌شناختی موجود در زیربنای ضرب‌المثل‌هاست، بدین‌ترتیب که حوزه‌های مبدأ متفاوتی در دو زبان برای مفهوم‌سازی ویژگی انتزاعی واحدی در حوزة مقصد به‌کار گرفته ‌شده‌است. گاه نیز تنوع موجود حاصل نگاشت حوزة مبدأ واحد، به طیفی از حوزه‌های مقصد متفاوت در دو زبان است. بررسی و مقایسة فراوانی نام حیوانات در ضرب‌المثل‌ها حاکی‌از آن است که نام اکثر حیوانات در دو زبان فراوانی متفاوتی دارد. تحلیل‌ها نشان می‌دهد این تنوعات و تفاوت‌ها‌ در سطوح مختلف می‌تواند باتوجه به جغرافیای طبیعی و شرایط محل زندگی گویشوران هر زبان و تجربه‌های مشترک روزمره و سبک زندگی آنها توجیه گردد.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>دانشگاه گیلان</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>2476-6585</Issn>
				<Volume>9</Volume>
				<Issue>2</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2025</Year>
					<Month>08</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The study of architextualite in Se-kheshti lyrics of the North Khorasan’s Kurmanj</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>مطالعة سرمتنیت در ترانه‌های سه‌خشتی قوم کرمانجِ شمال خراسان</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>241</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>263</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">9041</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22124/plid.2025.28671.1688</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>آیگین</FirstName>
					<LastName>مردانی</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار گروه صنایع دستی، دانشکده هنر، دانشگاه بجنورد، بجنورد، ایران.</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2024</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>12</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The Kurmanj people, a branch of the Kurdish ethnic group, are mainly settled in northern Khorasan, Iran. This study investigates one of their dominant oral poetic forms, known as &lt;em&gt;Se-Kheshti&lt;/em&gt; (three-line folk poems), using Gérard Genette’s theory of transtextuality, with a specific emphasis on &lt;em&gt;architextuality&lt;/em&gt;. The aim is to explore the structural and thematic affiliations of these poems within broader literary traditions. Drawing on approximately 1,400 translated &lt;em&gt;Se-Kheshti&lt;/em&gt; texts, the research employs a qualitative, analytical-interpretive approach based on documentary sources. Structurally, the poems follow a syllabic-numerical meter, situating them within the tradition of &lt;em&gt;Pahlaviyat&lt;/em&gt; - a non-aruzic poetic system - and, given their intrinsic musicality, linking them to &lt;em&gt;Khosravaniyat&lt;/em&gt;. Thematically, the prominence of emotional tone, lyrical self-expression, and imaginative imagery aligns them with the genre of lyric poetry. By applying architextual analysis to a corpus of oral literature, this study contributes to the theoretical interpretation of folk poetry and highlights the deep-rooted literary and cultural significance of &lt;em&gt;Se-Kheshti&lt;/em&gt; in the Kurdish poetic tradition.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Extended abstract&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;1.Introduction&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Among the most prevalent poetic forms in the oral literature of the Kurds of North Khorasan are &lt;em&gt;Lo&lt;/em&gt; and &lt;em&gt;Seh-kheshti&lt;/em&gt;. While &lt;em&gt;Lo&lt;/em&gt; resembles free verse with ancient roots, &lt;em&gt;Seh-kheshti&lt;/em&gt; typically follows a three-line structure, with each line containing around eight syllables and performed alongside music. This integration of rhythm and melody reflects the deep historical bond between poetry and music in Iranian cultural traditions. Despite the rise of prosodic meter in Islamic periods, syllabic forms like &lt;em&gt;Seh-kheshti&lt;/em&gt; persisted, particularly in Kurdish oral traditions. The term “khesht” in the Kurmanji dialect means “hemistich,” and &lt;em&gt;Seh-kheshti&lt;/em&gt; thus refers to a three-line verse, equal in syllable count and rhyme.&lt;br /&gt;Unlike quatrains or classical lyric forms, &lt;em&gt;Seh-kheshti&lt;/em&gt; is a unique Kurdish form, with structural similarities to ancient &lt;em&gt;khosrowānīs&lt;/em&gt; or even Japanese &lt;em&gt;haikus&lt;/em&gt;. This research adopts Gérard Genette’s theory of &lt;strong&gt;architextuality&lt;/strong&gt; - a subset of intertextuality - to determine the genre classification of &lt;em&gt;Seh-kheshti&lt;/em&gt; within Persian literary taxonomy. &lt;em&gt;Architextuality&lt;/em&gt; refers to the abstract conventions and expectations governing literary genres. By analyzing both structural and thematic features, this study identifies the underlying “genre rules” of &lt;em&gt;Seh-kheshti&lt;/em&gt; and investigates its connections to earlier poetic traditions within Persian literature.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;2.Theoretical Framework&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Gérard Genette introduced the concept of transtextuality to describe the various relationships a text maintains with other texts. He identified five categories: intertextuality, hypertextuality, paratextuality, metatextuality, and architextuality. Architextuality, unlike other types, focuses not on the relation between two specific texts but on a text’s affiliation with overarching literary genres. It concerns the structural and thematic norms that classify texts into categories like novel, report, poem, or drama. According to Genette, these conventions shape readers’ expectations and contribute to the interpretation of literary works. Architextuality thus involves analyzing how texts align with or deviate from genre-based norms that define their literary identity.&lt;br /&gt;    Genre theory further supports this approach. Scholars like Bakhtin, Wellek, and Warren emphasize that literary genres offer a framework for organizing content and style, shaping both the creation and interpretation of texts. Genres are not fixed; they evolve over time while retaining some stability, allowing texts to be meaningfully grouped. The distinction between genre and mode is essential: genre refers to form and content, while mode involves narrative voice or presentation. Genette considers genre a foundational component of literary systems, arguing that texts construct themselves by aligning with genre conventions. Thus, genre theory is central to understanding literary form, history, and cultural context.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.Methodology&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This research employs an analytical-interpretive approach and is categorized as developmental in purpose. Focusing on the Kurmanj community of North Khorasan, it adopts a case-study method to explore cultural features through the Seh-kheshti ballads. Gérard Genette’s theory of architextuality is applied - traditionally used in written literary texts - to analyze these oral poetic forms. This methodological innovation enables the identification of genre affiliations and intertextual links within literary traditions. Data collection was conducted through library research, and the corpus includes approximately 1,400 Seh-kheshti ballads drawn from four published sources between 1995 and 2016, all in Persian and focused on Khorasani Kurmanji folk poetry.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;4.Results and Discussion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This study analyzes &lt;em&gt;Seh-kheshti&lt;/em&gt; ballads of Khorasani Kurmanj from two perspectives: structural and thematic, using Gérard Genette’s theory of architextuality. Structurally, these poems belong to the category of syllabic meter, where the number of syllables per hemistich is constant, though syllable length may vary. Despite slight variations in syllable duration, the rhythmic integrity remains, placing &lt;em&gt;Seh-kheshti&lt;/em&gt; within the lineage of &lt;em&gt;fahlaviyat&lt;/em&gt; - early Iranian folk poetry composed in local dialects before the dominance of prosodic meters. Historical records suggest &lt;em&gt;fahlaviyat&lt;/em&gt; had emotional power and deep roots in oral culture, especially in regions like Fahlah (ancient Media). Kurdish dialects, including Kurmanji, are linguistically connected to these early poetic traditions. &lt;em&gt;Seh-kheshti&lt;/em&gt; also resembles &lt;em&gt;khosrowani&lt;/em&gt;, lyrical and musical poems performed in Sassanid courts, indicating a long-standing link between syllabic poetry and music in Iran.&lt;br /&gt;Thematically, &lt;em&gt;Seh-kheshti&lt;/em&gt; poems belong to the lyrical genre, emphasizing emotion, individual experience, and a subjective view of the world. These ballads serve as cultural vessels, expressing love, sorrow, exile, longing, and devotional sentiments. Nature imagery is prevalent, often functioning as metaphor for human emotion. With first-person perspective and personal tone, &lt;em&gt;Seh-kheshti&lt;/em&gt; poems echo the inward focus of classical lyrical poetry. About 72% of the analyzed corpus centers on themes of love and emotional longing, establishing &lt;em&gt;Seh-kheshti&lt;/em&gt; as a continuation of Iran’s folk and mystical poetic traditions. The brevity of the form precludes narrative development, instead concentrating on emotional intensity. Other common themes include complaints about fate (&lt;em&gt;baths al-shakwa&lt;/em&gt;), expressions of suffering, or appeals to divine figures, especially Imam Reza. These features confirm &lt;em&gt;Seh-kheshti&lt;/em&gt;’s position within the Persian lyrical tradition, rooted in collective memory, oral transmission, and emotional authenticity.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;5.Conclusion &amp; Suggestion&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This study applies Gérard Genette’s theory of architextuality to examine the position of Seh-kheshti ballads of the Khorasani Kurmanj within Persian poetic genres. Unlike previous research that relied on descriptive or ethnographic approaches, this study uses a rarely applied theoretical framework to bring deeper insight into oral and ethnic literature. Focusing on genre-based connections, the research analyzes 1,400 Seh-kheshti poems, demonstrating their use of syllabic meter rather than classical prosody. This metrical structure links them to pre-Islamic traditions such as &lt;em&gt;fahlaviyat&lt;/em&gt; and &lt;em&gt;khosrowani&lt;/em&gt; - forms that were musical, oral, and non-prosodic - positioning Seh-kheshti as a remnant of ancient Iranian lyrical forms rather than simply folk poetry. Thematically, Seh-kheshti aligns with early lyrical poetry like &lt;em&gt;ghazal-e-melhun&lt;/em&gt;, emphasizing emotion, personal experience, and a subjective worldview. Around 70% of the poems center on themes of love and longing, with other recurring topics including prayer, exile, complaints about fate, and moral advice. The use of first-person voice and natural imagery reinforces their lyrical and pastoral nature. This study advances theoretical understanding of Iranian oral poetry and suggests future research should explore Seh-kheshti through semiotic, narratological, and gender-focused analyses - particularly examining women’s narratives and the cultural functions of these ballads in Kurmanji-speaking communities.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Select Bibliography&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Bahar, M. T. &lt;em&gt;Bahar and Persian literature: A collection of one hundred articles by Malek o-Shoara Bahar&lt;/em&gt; (M. Golban, Ed.) (Vol. 1). Tehran: Franklin; 1972. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Bidaki, H. &lt;em&gt;Seh-kheshtis of Kormanj&lt;/em&gt;. Tehran: Research Institute for Culture, Art and Communication;  2016. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Frow, John. &lt;em&gt;Genre&lt;/em&gt;. Londen &amp; New York: Routledge; 2005.&lt;br /&gt;Genette, G. &lt;em&gt;The Architext: an introduction&lt;/em&gt;, jane E. Lewin (trans), university of California press, Berkeley ca and Oxford; 1992.&lt;br /&gt;Genette, G. &lt;em&gt;Palimpsests: Literature in the Second Degree&lt;/em&gt;. Translated by Channa Newman and Claude Doubinsky. Lincoln, NE and London: University of Nebraska Press; 1997.&lt;br /&gt;Genette, G. &lt;em&gt;The Architext: An Introduction&lt;/em&gt;. In D. Duff (Ed.), Modern Genre Theory. London &amp; New York: Longman; 2000, 210-218.&lt;br /&gt;Lazard, G. La versification en parthe et son heritage person, &lt;em&gt;Iranian Languages and texts from Iran &amp; Turan&lt;/em&gt;, Roland E. Emmerick Memorial Volume, M. MACUCH. et al. (eds.), Wiesbaden; 2007, 161- 171. &lt;br /&gt;Safi Zadeh, F. &lt;em&gt;A study on Kurdish songs&lt;/em&gt;. Tehran: Iran Jam; 1996. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Sprague, S. &lt;em&gt;The social origins of poetry: The scope and range of the sociology of art and literature&lt;/em&gt; (F. Shirvanloo, Ed.). Tehran: Toos; 1976. [In Persian]&lt;br /&gt;Todorov, T. &lt;em&gt;The dialogic logic&lt;/em&gt; (D. Karimi, Trans.). Tehran: Nashr-e Markaz; 1998. [In Persian]</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">قوم کرمانج، از ساکنان شمال خراسان و شاخه‌ای از قوم کرد هستند. پژوهش حاضر، به مطالعة یکی از قالب‌های رایج ترانه در این قوم پرداخته و با استفاده از نظریة ترامتنیت ژرار ژنت و تأکید بر سرمتنیت، گونه و ژانر ترانه‌ها را مطالعه کرده‌است. داده‌های کیفی با مطالعات کتابخانه‌ای و اسنادی یافته‌اندوزی شده؛ حدود ۱۴۰۰ سه‌خشتی که تمامی نمونه‌های ترجمه­شده به فارسی را دربرمی‌گیرد. سرمتنیت در سه‌خشتی، در دو وجه ساختاری و محتوایی بررسی شده‌است. در وجه ساختاری، که به ویژگی‌های وزنی نظر دارد، سرمتن سه‌خشتی، با توجه به وزن هجایی - عددی آن، به «پهلویات» و ذیل آن، با نظر به همبستگی سه‌خشتی با موسیقی، به «خسروانیات» و در وجه محتوایی، با توجه به عواملی چون غلبة عاطفه و تأکید بر منِ احساسی شاعر، به «شعر غنایی» بازمی‌گردد.</OtherAbstract>
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