دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 9 1 2024 04 20 Number in The Gilaki Language شمار در زبان گیلکی 7 30 8748 10.22124/plid.2025.28968.1692 FA سیده زینب مهدویان دانشجوی دکتری زبان‌شناسی همگانی، دانشکده ادبیات دانشگاه الزهرا، تهران، ایران آزیتا عباسی استادیار گروه زبان شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات، دانشگاه الزهرا،‌تهران،‌ایران، Journal Article 2024 11 16 This paper aims to address the representation of number in the Gilaki language, Lahijani variety. Number, in this language, interacts with various facets of linguistics, pragmatics and sociology. The data has been collected from the daily speech of the native speakers, and based on the linguistic intuition of one of the authors. According to the outcome, pronouns have different forms in terms of number and in nominative, accusative and genitive cases. In noun phrases, the presence of the plural marker along with the classifier results in ill-formed structures. Whereas, the plural morpheme is obligatorily realized in definite noun phrases for the construction to be grammatical. Reduplication is a process that interacts with number in this language; the reduplicant along with the base is used to refer to a certain category in some contexts. Other findings suggest that, in coordination constructions, despite the fact that both elements are considered plural, if both of them belong to the same category (e.g., stationeries), the plural marker can also appear only on the second element. Regarding pragmatics, in order to observe politeness, the second person plural pronoun and the plural personal ending of the verb are used to address a person, which indicates inconsistency between the form and meaning of plural. In certain contexts, there are formal or notional inconsistencies regarding number agreement which can be due to politeness measures, genericity or animacy. Extended abstract 1.Introduction The category of number has been studied cross-linguistically from morphological, syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic perspectives, demonstrating its interaction with various linguistic features. This research investigates the representation of the number system in Gilaki (Lahijani variety) using a typological framework. The primary objective is to describe how the category of number is manifested across different linguistic structures and processes and analyze its interaction with semantic and pragmatic factors such as animacy, definiteness, and politeness, following Acquaviva & Daniel's (2020) model. This study can contribute to a deeper understanding of other linguistic aspects of Gilaki. 2. Theoretical Framework This study adopts the typological framework proposed by Acquaviva & Daniel (2022), which systematically categorizes number-related phenomena across languages, emphasizing morphological marking, syntactic agreement, and semantic-pragmatic constraints, in order to examine its representation in pronouns, nominal phrases, and verbs. In this model, number is considered a multidimensional grammatical category and can interact with other linguistic features, including definiteness. Special attention is given to syntactic aspects of number, as well as cases of formal-semantic mismatches in number marking, such as the use of plural forms for politeness. 3. Methodology This research employs a descriptive typological approach to number in Gilaki, based on Acquaviva & Daniel’s (2022) questionnaire. Data were collected from native Gilaki speakers’ natural speech. and based on the linguistic intuition of one of the authors. The study describes number marking in pronouns, nouns, and verbs, while also examining its interaction with classifiers, reduplication, and coordination. Semantic and pragmatic aspects, including honorific usage, genericity, and animacy are also analyzed. 4. Results and Discussion Pronouns in Gilaki (Lahijani variety) exhibit distinct forms based on person, number, and case, though syncretism is observed in some cases, such as third-person plural forms. Singular nouns are unmarked, while plurals are marked with the suffix /on/. Gilaki’s plural marker attaches uniformly to nouns, irrespective of animacy. However, this affix is omitted with numerals unless the noun phrase is definite. Using numerals as predicates in Gilaki requires the presence of classifiers. When numerals modify nouns, classifiers must also be used with all numerals - including /jǝk/ (“one”) – contrasting with spoken Persian, where classifiers are restricted to numerals greater than one. This study demonstrates that pluralization in Gilaki is not solely expressed through the plural marker /on/, but also involves additional strategies such as partial reduplication, a previously undocumented strategy in Gilaki. In this process, the base and its reduplicant together express plural-like reference, indicating a set of related items rather than simple plurality (e.g., kitab mitab "books and similar items"). The syntactic analysis of number also examines coordination. In coordinate structures, if the two conjuncts belong to the same semantic category and form a collocation, the plural marker may appear only on the second conjunct without a coordinating particle (e.g., qaʃuq tʃəngal-on "spoons and forks"), while the semantic scope extends to include the whole structure. For non-collocational pairs, a coordinator is necessarily required (e.g., mədad o dƷurab-on "pencil and socks"); however, plural marking can target only the second conjunct semantically. In the domain of semantics and pragmatics, the focus lies primarily on meaning-form mismatches in number marking. Politeness represents one of the key contexts where this number agreement mismatch occurs. While Gilaki typically maintains person-number agreement between verbs and subjects, the plural form may be used to address a singular individual as a marker of respect, creating a form-meaning discrepancy. Another instance of form-meaning mismatch in Gilaki involves the use of singular nouns for generic reference, where a formally singular noun conveys a plural meaning. Furthermore, animacy plays a crucial role in the realization of generic reference in Gilaki. While verbal agreement with animate subjects is number-sensitive, such agreement becomes optional with inanimate subjects. Select Bibliography Acquaviva, P. & Daniel, M. Number in the World's Languages: A Comparative Handbook. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter Mouton. 2022. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110622713 Corbett, Greville G. Number. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2004. Dixon, R.M.W. Basic Linguistic Theory. Volume 3. Further Grammatical Topics. Studies in Language. 2012. 38. 10.1075/sl.38.4.11hau. Etebari, Z. , Alizadeh, A. and Naghzgouy- Kohan, M. (2021). Effects of person and number hierarchies on development of personal reflexive pronouns in New Persian. ZABANPAZHUHI (Journal of Language Research), 13(40), 89-114. doi: 10.22051/jlr.2020.30695.1851 Kilarski, M., & Allassonnière-Tang, M. Classifiers in Morphology. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Linguistics. 2021. Mahootian, Sh. Persian Syntax from a Typological Perspective. Translated by Mehdi Samaei. Tehran: Markaz Publication. 1999. [In Persian] Moravcsik, E. Number. In A. Aikhenvald & R. Dixon (Eds.), The Cambridge Handbook of Linguistic Typology (Cambridge Handbooks in Language and Linguistics), 2017. pp. 440-476). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781316135716.014 Oranski, J. M. Iranian Languages, Translated by Dr. Ali Ashraf Sadeghi. Tehran: Sokhan Publications. 2000. [In Persian] Rastorgueva, V. S., Kerimova, A. A., Mamedzade, A. K., Pireiko, L. A., Edel’man, D. I., & Lockwood, R. M. The Gilaki Language. English translation editing and extended content by Ronald M. Lockwood. Uppsala: Uppsala University. 2012. Sabzalipour, Jahandoost. A Comparative Study of Verbal Structure in the Variety of Tati, Taleshi, and Gilaki, Guilan Studies Research center, Rasht: Publishing Center of Guilan University. 2012. [in Persian] در این مطالعه چگونگی بازنمایی شمار در زبان گیلکی گونۀ لاهیجانی بررسی شده‌است. شمار در این زبان با جنبه‌های گوناگون ساختاری و کاربردشناختی در تعامل است. داده‌های پژوهش براساس گفتار روزمرۀ گویشوران و شم زبانی یکی از نگارندگان گردآوری شده‌است. براساس نتایج پژوهش، ضمایر به‌لحاظ شمار و در حالت‌های فاعلی، مفعولی و اضافی دارای صورت‌های متفاوتی هستند. در گروه‌های اسمی غیرمعرفه حضور نشانگر جمع به همراه طبقه‌نما موجب بدساختی می‌شود، درحالی‌که در گروه‌های اسمیِ معرفه حضور تکواژ جمع برای دستوری‌بودنِ ساخت اجباری است. دوگان‌سازی از فرایندهایی است که در تعامل با مفهوم شمار قرار دارد. در این فرایند، استفاده از جزء مکرر به همراه پایه در برخی بافت‌ها برای اشاره به یک مجموعه به‌کار می‌رود. براساس سایر یافته‌ها، در ساخت‌های همپایه، علی‌رغم اطلاق مفهوم جمع به هر دو عضو، اگر هر دو به یک مجموعه تعلق داشته باشد (به‌عنوان مثال لوازم‌التحریر)، نشانگر جمع می‌تواند تنها بر روی سازۀ دوم تظاهر یابد. در برخی بافت‌ها عدم تطابق صوری یا معنایی به‌لحاظ شمار مشهود است که عواملی همچون رعایت ادب و تکریم، تعمیم و جانداری در آن دخیل هستند.

https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_8748_dc8bfaa4bdfbdf66472c0bd84066792f.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 9 1 2024 04 20 Semantic Network in the Lari Language شبکۀ معنایی در زبان لاری 31 61 8091 10.22124/plid.2024.27553.1673 FA مریم طالعی دانش‏‏‌آموخته‏ کارشناسی ارشد زبا‌ن‌شناسی همگانی، گروه زبان‌شناسی و زبان‏‌های خارجی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران. بلقیس روشن استاد گروه زبان‏‌شناسی و زبان‏‌های خارجی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 05 26 This descriptive-analytical research examines sense relations between the lexemes of the Lari language, the continuation of the Middle Persian and one of the endangered Iranian languages spoken in Lar, Fars province, to determine its semantic network, for the first time, in the framework of lexical semantics. To do this, 2500 words (the research data), marked by “L” (Lary) by Eghtedari (1992), were extracted from among 5000 original words he had gathered and classified into different semantic fields. Then, the sense relations existing between them were identified, a plan was presented for each of the relations in the semantic network, and the number of words participating in each relation and their percentages were determined. The results revealed that different sense relations, including hyponymy, synonymy, homonymy, homograhy, polysemy, opposition and semantic contrast, meronomy, member-collection relation and portion-mass relation, were present in Lari semantic network, while homophony was absent. This indicates Lari’s less ambiguity compared to the Standard Persian. Among these relations, hyponymy (%15.28) and semantic contrast (%0.8) had the highest and the lowest frequencies, respectively. The results also indicate that Lari semantic network is idiosyncratic and its biggest part has a hierarchical order while it is heterogeneous in the rest parts. Extended Abstract 1.Introduction The Lari language, the continuation of the Middle Persian, is one of the southwest Iranian languages spoken in Larestan, located in the southeast of Fars province, Iran. It has more than 20 different dialects, such as Gerashi, Evazi, Bastaki, and Bikhei. In various studies on this endangered language, it has been mentioned under different titles such as "Larestani language", "Lari accent/dialect", "Larestani dialect" and "Lari language". In the present study, a variety of the language that is spoken in Lar city, the center of Larestan, is investigated which is sometimes called “Standard Lari Language”. Although the language has been studied significantly from different synchronic and diachronic views, there is no systematic, comprehensive and coherent semantic study about it, and, as far as the authors know, there is no research considering its semantic network. Therefore, the goal of this descriptive-analytical study is to identify the sense relations between the lexemes of the language and to determine a part of the semantic network (semantic memory) in the mental lexicon of Lari speakers in the framework of lexical semantics. 2.Theoretical framework Lexical semantics is a part of the language theory in which the semantic structure of words is studied by applying two different methods. One of them, used in this research, is based on the existing sense relations between words wherein their meanings are related to each other through a network that clearly shows their connections. A semantic network is a knowledge base that represents the semantic relationships between concepts in a network and includes sense relations -- the relationships between words that give them meaning - such as hyponymy, synonymy, polysemy, homonymy, etc., and any other semantic relations between them. 3.Methodology The method of this study was descriptive-analytical and its tool was a checklist. Cluster sampling method was applied to gather the research data; i.e. from among 5,000 original words presented in Ancient Larestan and Larestani Culture that made the research population, 2,500 words which were marked by “L” (Lari) were extracted and divided into twelve categories according to their subjects (semantic fields). These categories included "social relations", "objects", "body parts", "verbs", "places", "animals", "food", "family relations", "nature", "agriculture", "occupations" and "types of adjectives and adverbs". Pronouns were also classified in a separate category. Then, the number and the percentage of words in each category were calculated compared to the total extracted words. The research sample consisted of those words that had sense relations with each other, and these relations included hyponymy, synonymy, polysemy, homonymy, semantic opposition, semantic contrast, meronymy, member-collection, and portion-mass. Finally, while availing from descriptive statistics, the number and the percentage of these words were determined. 4.Results and discussions Among the 2500 words, the highest number (522 words; 20.88%) was in "social relations" category, while the lowest number (9 words; 0.36%) belonged to “occupations”. The results of studying the existing sense relations revealed that 382 words (15.28%) entered hyponymy, 91 words (3.64%) entered synonymy, 50 words (2%) were in polysemy, 154 words (6.16%) were in homonymy, 30 words (1.2%) were homograph, 33 words (1.32%) entered semantic opposition, 20 words (0.8%) participated in semantic contrast, 103 words (4.12%) entered meronymy, 80 words (3.2%) were in member-collection and 28 words (1.12%) were in portion-mass relations, while no evidence of homophony was found. Moreover, it was found that hyponymy had the highest (15.28%) and semantic contrast had the lowest (0.8%) frequencies, respectively, among Lari sense relations. 5.Conclusion and suggestions Thematic classification of the Lari words indicated that the largest number of them belonged to "social relationships" category while the lowest one belonged to the "occupations" one; and therefore, it can be claimed that Lari speakers pay specific attention to the relationships between people. In addition, the lower number of words for occupations can be due to the originality and antiquity of Lari language. The results of the study reveal that the most part of the semantic network in Lari language has a hierarchical order, and in some parts, it is heterogeneous: the sense relations of hyponymy, meronymy and member-collection (22.6% of all relations) have a hierarchical order and the rest of them (16.24%) are mostly heterogeneous. In addition, while the results of the present study, regarding hyponymy, are in line with those of Nasiripour and Almasi, which dealt with the sense relations in Laki Noorabadi dialect and a part of the Gilaki dialect of Lahijan city, Iran, it is quite different from Mohammadi Ivatlu’s results in Azerbaijani Turkish. Since this language belongs to the Ural-Altaic language family, polysemy has the highest frequency (18.44%). Furthermore, the Lari language and Laki Noorabadi dialect both lack homophony and this indicates less ambiguity in them compared with the standard Persian language and some other Iranian languages and dialects such as Gilaki. The highest frequency for hyponymy in the Lari language and Laki Noorabadi and the above-mentoned Gilaki dialects with different frequencies reveals that hyponymy differs from one language to the other and depends on what each language selects from the world. Lari, Laki Noorabadi, and Gilaki are all sub-branches of Iranian languages, while Azerbaijani Turkish belongs to another language family, and this may be the reason why polysemy has the highest frequency among its words. The difference in the semantic networks of the dialects in question and lari language can be due to the difference between the root language of Lari and these dialects. In addition, the current research and its comparison with other studies, according to the differences found, shows that the semantic network of Lari language is different from the semantic networks in the above-mentioned studies, and at the same time, unique, due to the existence of semantic relations in it, and the frequency of occurrences of each relation. Finally, it is suggested that: 1) the semantic network of different dialects of Lari language be studied before it becomes completely extinct, and 2) analogous to FarsNet (Farsi Lexical Network), LarNet ( Lari Lexical Network) for the Lari language be prepared, so that this original and valuable language can be accurately documented. Select Bibliography Almasi, H.The Study of Lexical Relations of Laki Dialect in Noorabad. MA Thesis of General Linguistics, Faculty of Humanities. Tehran: Payame Noor University, 2010. [in Persian] Eghtedari, A. Keshte-ye Xwish: Collection of 50 Article. Tehran: Toos Publications, 1978. [in Persian] Dianat, L. Homonyms and homographs in Lari. The 8th International Conference on Language and Literature Studies of Nations, 2023; pp.1-8. Retrieved from https://icll.bcnf.ir/. [in Persian] Malchanova, A.K. Lari Dialects. M. Ehsani, (Trans.). Nameh Farhangistan, 2001; 18: 183-7. [in Persian] Miller, G. et al. Introduction to WordNet: An On-line Lexical Database. International Journal of Lexicography, 1991; 3(4): 235-244. (Revised: August 1993) Mohammadi Ivatloo, E. An Investigation in Lexical Relations in Azerbaijani Turkish Language. MA thesis of General Linguistics. Tehran: Payame Noor University. 2009. [in Persian] Nasiripour, B. Lexical relations in the Field of Aquatic and Birds in Gilaki Dialect of Lahijan. MA Thesis of General Linguistics. School of Literature and Humanities. Tehran: Payame Noor University. 2009. [in Persian] Rovshan, B. Lexical Semantics: The Classification of Persian Verbs. Ph.D. Dissertation of General Linguistics. Faculty of Humanities. Tehran: Tehran University. 1998. [in Persian] Salami, A. Ganjine-ye Gooyeshshenasy-ye Farsi (A Treasury of the Dialectology of Fars). Tehran: Academy of Persian Language and Literature. 2004. [in Persian] Vossugi, M.B. Padzooheshi dar Zabanshenasi-e Larestan (A Research in Larestan Linguistics). Tehran: Kalameh Publications. 1990. [in Persian] پژوهش حاضر می‏کوشد تا روابط مفهومیِ موجود بین واژه‎های زبان لاری، ادامۀ زبان فارسی میانه و یکی از زبان‏های ایرانیِ در حال انقراض را که در شهرستان لار، استان فارس، تکلم می‏شود، در چارچوب معنا‏شناسی واژگانی بررسی و بخشی از شبکۀ معنایی آن را برای نخستین‏‌بار تعیین کند. بدین منظور 2500 واژه از 5000 واژۀ اصیلِ گردآوری‏ شدۀ اقتداری (1371) که با حرف «ل» (لاری) مشخص شده‏‌اند، به‏‌عنوان داده‏‌های پژوهش، استخراج و براساس موضوع دسته‏‏‌بندی شدند و روابطِ مفهومیِ موجود بین آن‏ها تعیین گردید. سپس، تعداد و درصد واژه‏‌های شرکت‏‌کننده در این روابط، تعیین و در هر رابطه‏ طرحی برای شبکۀ معنایی این زبان ارایه گردید. نتایج نشان می‎دهد که در این زبان روابطِ مفهومیِ شمول معنایی، هم‏‌معنایی، چندمعنایی، هم‏‌آوا-هم‏‌نویسی، هم‏‌نویسی، تقابل معنایی، تباین معنایی، جز‏ء‏واژگی، عضوواژگی و واحدواژگی وجود دارد که از این میان، شمول معنایی بیشترین و تباین معنایی کمترین بسامد وقوع را دارد. به‏‌علاوه، موردی از هم‏‌آوایی نیز یافت نمی‏‌شود که نشانگر ابهام کمتر نسبت‌به فارسی معیار در زبان لاری باشد. همچنین، شبکۀ معنایی زبان لاری منحصربه‏‌فرد و بخش اعظم آن دارای نظمِ سلسله‏‌مراتبی است و در بخش‎هایی نیز به‏‌صورت ناهمگن است.

https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_8091_5b5179c7c3755784f849f9adae2dd712.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 9 1 2024 04 20 Adpositions in Shahmirzadi Language: Tools for Case Marking in Noun Phrases حروف‌اضافه در زبان شهمیرزادی: ابزاری برای حالت‌دهی به گروه‌های اسمی 63 93 8580 10.22124/plid.2025.29170.1701 FA مرضیه صناعتی استادیار زبان‌شناسی، پژوهشگاه میراث فرهنگی و گردشگری، تهران، ایران. پونه مصطفوی دانشیار زبانشناسی، پژوهشگاه میراث فرهنگی و گردشگری، تهران، ایران. 0000-0002-0958-9240 Journal Article 2024 12 07 The relationships between the head and its dependent nouns are determined through case-marking systems. This study examines the method and role of adpositions in case marking in the Shahmirzadi language which is spoken in the Semnan province of Iran. To analyze the linguistic data based on the theoretical framework of the research, data were collected through a questionnaire prepared for this purpose, and Shahmirzadi data available in the Iran Linguistic Atlas (ILA) database have been utilized. Written sources containing lexical and syntactic information were also used to refine and validate the data. The data analysis indicates that in both grammatical and semantic cases in Shahmirzadi, case marking is achieved through postpositions. According to the theoretical framework, the case-marking system in this language is analytical, and inflectional affixes are not used for this purpose. In other words, in this language variety, the locative, comitative, instrumental, and ablative cases are marked using independent or dependent adpositions. But genitive, benefactive, accusative and ablative (where the older Shahmirzadi form /-ǰǝn/ involves) cases are marked through dependent adpositions (enclitics). Extended abstract 1.Introduction Case, is the marking of the relationship between the head and the dependent in a noun phrase. From a typological point of view, there are two types of case marking in languages: inflectional and analytical. In the first type, case marking is done through inflectional categories, while in the second, it is carried out using independent categories (Primus, 2012: 305). There are various methods for case marking in languages, which are discussed in the theoretical framework section. In some languages, case marking is done through adpositions, while in others it is done with inflectional suffixes. Additionally, in some languages around the world, both methods are used together. According to Blake (2004: 47), the use of syntactic word order can also be considered a competing mechanism for indicating grammatical case. Given the necessity of studying local languages in Iran to preserve and maintain them on the one hand, and the importance of research on how case marking works in languages as part of syntactic-typological studies on the other, this research addresses the method of case marking in the Shahmirzadi language based on Blake (2004). Researchers such as Rogova (1999), Lecoq (2004), Kalbasi (2009), Dabirmoghaddam (2023), and other linguists have conducted various studies on this language and its linguistic issues. However, none of these studies have addressed the aforementioned topic in Shahmirzadi. Therefore, the present research aims to fill this gap by examining the research topic. To achieve this goal, the subject will investigate nominative, accusative, locative, dative, ablative, comitative, instrumental, and genitive cases in the data of this language. 2.Theoretical Framework In inflectional case marking systems, case markers appear as affixes on noun phrases, which, depending on their position, can be prefixes, suffixes, or infixes. Prepositions can also function as case markers in languages, and such a system is called an analytical case marking system. For instance, in Japanese, grammatical cases are indicated through postpositions. In languages where the analytical method of case marking is used, adpositions (whether preposition, postposition, or both) are employed. In some languages like Turkish and Latin, the case marking is synthetic. This means that case suffixes and postpositions perform the function of case marking in these languages (Blake, 2004: 9). Primus (2012) believes that case marking can occur on both the dependent and the head elements. If the markers are placed on the head, the process is referred to as head-marking; if they attach to the dependent, it is called dependent-marking (Blake, 2004, citing Nichols, 1986). Blake (2004: 31), in addition to categorizing case as analytical and synthetic cases, which were discussed in the previous paragraphs, also refers to two groups of cases: grammatical cases and semantic cases. Grammatical cases, or syntactic cases as they are sometimes called, only express grammatical relations. Nominative, accusative, and often genitive cases fall into this group. He also adds dative and ergative cases to this category because they encode the indirect object and the agent of a transitive verb (A), respectively. On the other hand, semantic cases express semantic relations, such as locative, source, comitative, instrumental, and ablative cases. However, this categorization is not always clear-cut, and sometimes ambiguity is observed in languages. 3.Research Method This research employs a descriptive-analytical method, gathering data through interviews with native speakers of the Shahmirzadi language using a specifically designed questionnaire. Additionally, it utilizes data from the Linguistic Atlas of Semnan Province. The Iranian Linguistic Atlas is currently being compiled at the Research Institute of Cultural Heritage and Tourism. In certain instances, written sources about this language have been consulted to refine and validate the data. The research corpus comprises 200 sentences or phrases; due to the article's length constraints, not all can be presented. After transcription using the North American Phonetic Alphabet (NAPA/APA) system, the data are analyzed based on the research's theoretical framework. 4.Conclusion Based on data analysis and according to Blake's classification, the case marking system in Shahmirzadi language is analytical. This means that in this language case marking is performed through adposition rather than inflectional affixes. In the Shahmirzadi, adpositions are in postposition type and are used in both independent (dim) and dependent (-væri) forms. In this language variety, locative, comitative, instrumental, and ablative cases are marked using either independent or dependent postpositions and genitive, dative, and accusative cases are indicated through dependent postpositions (enclitics). Notably, in the ablative case, if the original and older Shahmirzadi form /-ǰǝn/ is used, it also involves enclitics. The term "independent" for some Shahmirzadi postpositions means that, in addition to their role as postpositions, they function as meaningful lexical units. For example, "dim" is used to mean both "on" and "face." Another point is that in the Shahmirzadi, the adposition "az" (meaning "from") is occasionally used, likely due to linguistic contact and borrowing from Standard Persian. In Standard Persian the said adposition is used as preposition, whereas in original and older form of Shahmirzadi it functions as a postposition. Select Biblography Blake, B.J. Case .2nd edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Butt, M. Theories of Case. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006. Dabir Moghaddam, M. Typology of iranian Languages. (2nd Ed.). samt Organization Press, 2024 Hewson, J. & V. Bubenik. From Case to Adposition: The development of Configurational Syntax in Indo-European Languages. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2006. Kristensen, A. Semnan Dialect. Translated By: Ebrahimian, E. and H. Hasanzadeh Tavakkoli, Semnan: Semnan University Press, 2010. Lecoq, P. “Caspian Dialects and the Dialects of Northwestern Iran”. In Rüdiger Schmitt (ed.). Compendium of Iranian Languages”. Translated by Arman Bakhtiyari et al. Vol. 2. Tehran: Qoqnoos Publishing House, 2004; Pp. 489-515. Primus, B. “Case-Marking Typology”. The Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Typology. Jae Jung Song (ed.), 2012; Pp.303-321. DOI: 10.1093/oxford hb/9780199281251.013.0016. Sabzalipur, J. & R. Izadifar (2014). Case Marking System in Tâti Dialect of Khalkhâl". Language Related Research, 2014; 5(4): 103-123. Sanaati, M. & S. Zamani. Report of Compiling the Language Atlas of Semnan Province (Unpublished). Tehran: Richt Press, 2019. در پژوهش حاضر شیوۀ حالت‌نمایی و نقش حروف‌اضافه در نشانه‌گذاری حالت در زبان شهمیرزادی بررسی شده‌است. برای تحلیل داده‌های زبانی براساس چارچوب نظری پژوهش، از داده‌های پرسشنامۀ تهیه‌شده برای این کار و همچنین داده‌های شهمیرزادی در پایگاه داده‌های اطلس زبانی ایران بهره گرفته شده‌است. علاوه‌براین برای تدقیق و محک داده‌ها، از منابع مکتوبِ مرتبط که دارای اطلاعات واژگانی و نحوی هستند، استفاده گردیده‌است. تحلیل داده‌ها نشان می‌دهد که در هر دو نوع حالتِ دستوری و معنایی در این زبان نشانه‌گذاری حالت با حروف‌اضافه صورت می‌گیرد. حروف‌اضافه در شهمیرزادی از نوع پس‌اضافه هستند و نشانه‌گذاری حالت در این زبان از نوع تحلیلی است و از وندهای تصریفی استفاده نمی‌شود. به عبارت دیگر در این گونۀ زبانی حالت‌های مکانی، همراهی، ابزاری و ازی با حروف‌اضافۀ وابسته یا مستقل و از سوی دیگر حالت‌های اضافی، به/ برایی، مفعولی و ازی (در صورتی که از صورت قدیمیِ /ǰǝn-/ استفاده شود) با حروف اضافة وابسته (پی‌بست) نشان داده می‌شوند.

https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_8580_c00eb03cdc9b30b39660168aef85648b.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 9 1 2024 04 20 Syntactic Relationships and How They are Represented in Lori Language, Variety of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Province روابط نحوی و نحوۀ باز‌نمایی آن در زبان لری، گونۀ استان کهگیلویه و بویراحمد 95 113 8101 10.22124/plid.2024.28178.1683 FA لیلا تابش‌فر دانش‌آموختۀ دکتری زبان‌شناسی دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران. Journal Article 2024 08 15 The relationship between verb and its arguments is one of the fundamental relations in human languages. This relationship is formed in different ways across languages, resulting in various grammatical roles. The purpose of this article is to determine the syntactic relationships and case-marking system of the Lori language in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Province. The study follows a descriptive-analytical approach. The data was obtained through the creation of an audio corpus. To achieve this, conversations between speakers were recorded multiple times using a mobile phone, and an audio corpus was compiled. The relevant information was then extracted from the recordings. The results of the study suggest that the syntactic and semantic relations of this type include nominative, accusative, genitive, vocative, various types of prepositional complements, and the locative case. From a syntactic perspective, the case system -whether the arguments are lexical or pronominal and whether the verb tense and aspect are past and perfect or non-past and imperfect - falls into the nominative-accusative or complete-accusative systems. However, in terms of semantic and derivational morphology, the language exhibits a trace of an ergative-absolutive system. Extended Abstract 1.Introduction The representation of syntactic relations has long been a key concern for language researchers. For some scholars, mechanisms such as case-marking, agreement, lexical sequencing, the use of prepositions, and suprasegmental features are central to expressing the relationships between the head and its dependents. The present study addresses the relationship between noun phrase and verbs in a Lori variety of South-Western Iranian languages, which is common in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad province. The article is about recognizing grammatical relations and their representation, the case-marking method, determining the type of case and finding answers to the following questions: What are the syntactic relationships in Lori spoken in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad? What method or methods does this variety use to display syntactic relationships between sentence elements? From a typological perspective, which linguistic type does this variety belong to? 2.Theoretical Framework Blake (2004: 2) divides case into two types: syntactic and semantic. He introduces case-marking and the use of prepositions to express the relationship between noun phrase and verbs (2004: 1-10). Stilo (2005: 52) also refers to lexical sequencing and the use of suprasegmental features, in addition to case-marking and the use of prepositions. Comrie (1978) describes three basic arguments (P/A/S) and, based on the method of case-coding for these three arguments, presents five possible case systems. He argues that one of these, although not found in any language, could logically exist. DabirMoghadam (2012: 67-68) provides an example of Comrie's target system in some Iranian languages and refers to it as a split system. According to Comrie (1978) and Palmer (1994), each language, in addition to the dominant pattern, likely employs alternative alignment in certain grammatical contexts. Zwart & Lindenbergh (2021) presented the "completeness alignment" theory, according to which the five systems proposed by Comrie, methods of complete case-marking, and the twelve alternative patterns are considered methods of incomplete case-marking. RasakhMahand (2005), referring to the semantic features outlined by Keenan (1984), shows that the features between (S) and (P) in Persian have many similarities, in terms of meaning, with ergative-absolutive languages. 3.Research Methodology The research method is descriptive-analytical and corpus-based. The audio data is provided by recording conversations between people using a mobile phone, along with six videos totaling four hundred and seventeen minutes. The participants knew that their voices were being recorded and had no objections. The conversations were conducted in the manner of typical meetings between people, in a completely natural setting. The author, who is a native speaker, created the corpus after the formation of these gatherings, extracted the necessary information from it, and for ease of reading, first transcribed the data phonetically and then analyzed it, writing the Persian equivalent of each sentence alongside. 4.Results & Discussion In the studied variety, noun phrase and pronouns participate in grammatical relationships. The pronoun system holds particular importance in case-marking due to its thematic role. This system consists of two categories: free and dependent pronouns, with two number options and three person options, forming six morphological constructions. Each category has a distinct morphosyntactic distribution. Free pronouns always replace the (P/A/S) arguments, while dependent pronouns, in the form of clitics, are used both to express the case of an omitted object with host-selection of the main part of the verb, and as nominative agreement with the host-selection of the nominal part of clitic verbs. The grammatical relations of this type include nominative, accusative, oblique, genitive, and vocative relations. The nominative relationship of transitive and intransitive verbs, whether lexical or pronominal, is represented through agreement and as an agreement suffix on the verb (Examples 1 and 2). The accusative relationship, whether lexical or pronominal, is marked with the inflectional case marker |-a| (Examples 3 and 4). The genitive relationship is represented using |=e|, which is added to the final consonant of the noun head (Example 5). The accusative relationship, which includes the ablative, dative, and instrumental objects, is represented by the use of prepositions together with noun phrase (Examples 9 to 12). The vocative relationship also appears as a noun phrase outside the main clause in the sentence. This relationship is represented in two ways: by using prepositional markers of the vocative and by utilizing the suprasegmental feature of 'rising intonation' (Example 13). 5.Conclusion According to the analysis of the data, this language variety has lost the distinctions of morphological case-marking and only uses it for the (P) argument and the genitive case. However, through the strategy of adding an ending to a verb, it employs agreement. Person and number always correspond to lexical and pronominal arguments. It uses prepositional markers to express the syntactic relations of dative and vocative and falls under the category of prepositional and analytical languages. To express the vocative relationship, it utilizes both prepositions and suprasegmental features. Since it has both a case-marking and agreement system, the arrangement of constituents is free. The case system is constructionally nominative-accusative and belongs to the type of fully accusative languages. Semantically, it falls under the alternating semantic or dynamic type, and in derivational morphology, it shows a trace of the ergative-absolutive system. Select Bibliography Blake. BJ. Case. 2nd edition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Comrie. B. Language Universals and Linguistic Typology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989. Haig. G. “Alignment”. In The Continuum Companion to Historical Linguistics. Ed. Silvia Luraghi and Vit Bubenik. London and New York: Continuum International Publishing, 2010; Pp 250-268. Hamidishirvan, Z. Sharifi, Sh. & Eliasi, M . “An Analysis anddDescription of Case Marking in Four Persian Dialects of Khuzestan”. Research in Western Iranian Languages and Dialects, 2014; 8: 1-23. https://jlw.razi.ac.ir/article_592.html?lang=en [in Persian] DebirMoghaddam, M. Typology of Iranian languages, Tehran: Samt, 2012. [in Persian] RasakhMohanand, M. “The Way to Show Subject and Object in Persian”, Journal of Linguistics, 2006; 41 & 42: 85-96. [in Persian] https://B2n.ir/t73750 Sedighinejad, S. Ahangar, A.A. Delfroz, B. & Sharifi Sh. “Typology of Case-Marking and Agreement Systems in Bashāgardi”. Language Seience, 2021; 8. 247-280. http://doi: org/10.22054/ls.2021.51393.1321. Stilo. DL. Iranian as Buffer Zone Between the Universal Typologies of Turkic and Semitic. E. A. Csató. B. Isaksson. & C. Jahani (eds.). in Linguistic Convergence and Areal Diffusion: Case Studies from Iranian, Semitic and Turkic, London, UK: Routledge Courzon, 2005; Pp. 35-63. Zwart. JW. & Lindenbergh, C. Rethinking Alignment Typology. In A. Bárány, T. Biberauer, J. Douglas, & S. Vikner (Eds.), Syntactic Architecture and its Consequences: Inside Syntax, Language Science Press, 2021; Pp. 23-50. http://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4680298 رابطۀ میان فعل و موضوع‌های آن از روابط بنیادی در زبان‌های بشری محسوب می‌شود. این رابطه در زبان‌های مختلف به شیوه‌های متفاوتی شکل می‌گیرد و نقش‌های دستوری متفاوتی ایجاد می‌کند. هدف مقالۀ حاضر، تعیین روابط نحوی و نظام حالت زبان لری، گونۀ استان کهگیلویه و بویراحمد است. روش مطالعه توصیفی- تحلیلی است و داده‌ها از طریق ایجاد پیکرۀ صوتی به دست آمده‌است؛ به دفعات، گفت‌وگوی افراد با گوشی تلفن همراه ضبط و پیکرۀ صوتی ایجاد و اطلاعات لازم از آن استخراج گردید. نتایج مطالعه نشان داد که روابط نحوی و معنایی این گونه، شامل رابطه‌های فاعلی، مفعولی، اضافی، ندایی، انواع مفعول حرف اضافه‌ای و رابطۀ مکانی می‌شود. نظام حالت از نظر نحوی، چه موضوع‌های واژگانی یا ضمیری، چه زمان و نمود فعل، گذشته و کامل یا غیرگذشته و ناقص، در ردۀ نظام‌های فاعلی- مفعولی یا کامل مفعولی جای می‌گیرد؛ با این حال از لحاظ معنایی و در صرف اشتقاقی، ردی از نظام کُنایی- مطلق نشان می‌دهد.

https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_8101_04559affc445df806021b6c5d7c3e614.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 9 1 2024 04 20 The Southern Kurdish (Kermashani Dialect) Status Use in Kermanshah: Language Maintenance or Shift? وضعیت کاربرد کردی‌جنوبی (گویش کرماشانی) در کرمانشاه: حفظ یا تغییر زبان؟ 115 140 8615 10.22124/plid.2025.27593.1682 FA قدرت زارعی دانش‌آموختۀ دکتری زبان‌شناسی، دانشکدة ادبیات فارسی و زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی، تهران، ایران محمد دبیر مقدم استاد گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات فارسی و زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 08 05 Language change among multilingual societies is considered as an important issue. Native speakers of indigenous languages are willing to acquire prestigious languages. The tendency in bi/multilingual context in Kermanshah to use Persian can threaten the survival of the Southern Kurdish (Kermashani dialect). This study is going to examine whether the speakers are maintaining their native language or shifting. The hypothesis is that Kurdish usage has declined in various domains specially among the youth as they are increasingly shifting to Persian. To find out, 384 Participants in 3 groups: under 20, 20-50 and over 50 were selected by simple random sampling to fill up the questionnaire. On the basis of The Domain Analysis Theory of Fishman (1966) in which language domains as social structures are used, the data were collected and were analyzed by SPSS software. The findings maintained that in family domain Kurdish usage is less than in office and Marketplaces domains and the extent of Kurdish learning as the first language has declined. On the other hand, the acquisition of Persian as the first language in the youngest group has unexpectedly raised more than 10 times compared to the other 2 older groups. The findings signify an accelerating language shift in Kermanshah. Extended Abstract 1.Introduction The development of technology and communication accompanied by social, cultural, political and economic changes have urged the native speakers of local languages to acquire and use official and prestigious languages. So, language shift among bi/multilingual societies is an issue of global concern. This tendency which is the case for Iranian native languages and dialects, can really weaken their status. Kermashani Kurdish, a variety of the Kurdish language, has long been spoken in Kermanshah in the west of Iran. These days, its usage has declined in various domains and Kurdish acquisition as a mother tongue has seriously decreased especially among the youth. This can threaten its survival in Kermanshah. The purpose of the current research is to provide some information on the Southern Kurdish (Kermashani dialect) status use and the extent of language change in Kermanshah. It also tries to evaluate the speakers’ attitudes toward their native language and investigate the effect of social factors on its usage. The main question raised is whether the Kurdish speakers in Kermanshah maintain their indigenous language or shift to Persian. The hypothesis is that the Southern Kurdish usage is decreasing in various domains, especially among the youth, since they are shifting to Persian Language. 2.Theoretical framework Theoretically, this research is in the framework of The Domain Analysis of Fishman (1966) through which the language use can be measured based on setting, participants, or interlocutors in some language domains such as family, school, office, street & marketplaces, religion and art & hobbies. 3.Methodology In this descriptive - analytical research, the domains of family, street and marketplaces, office / work, school, religion, art & hobbies were regarded for investigation. The current study describes and analyzes the data collected through a questionnaire including 32 questions. It has investigated the usage of Kermashani Kurdish and Persian in the domains mentioned and the speakers’ attitude towards these languages. For this purpose, 384 subjects (male and female) were selected by Simple Random Sampling to fill up the questionnaire. The participants were equally divided into 3 age groups (under 20, 20- 50 and over 50 years old). The classified tables and diagrams of data were prepared through SPSS software and then were described and analyzed. 4.Results & Discussion The results indicated that 60/68 percent of the participants have acquired Kurdish as their first language, but in the youngest group just 28 percent have acquired Kurdish as their first language. Whereas, Persian language learning as the first language in this group has, unexpectedly, raised more than 10 times compared to the oldest age group. As a result, the language for communication with the family members was a function of participants’ age. For example, 61 percent of the younger group used Kurdish for talking to their grandparents. On the other hand, 49 percent of this group spoke with their parents in Kurdish. During communicating with their younger brothers and sisters, only 7/8 percent of them use Kurdish. At school domain, the average of 81/5 percent of the students in schoolyards and 83 percent with the teachers in classroom communicate in Persian. As for the office and street & marketplaces domains, the usage of language demonstrates the general dominance of Kurdish, since 63 percent of the participants use Kurdish in talking to clerks at their office. Facing a doctor at his/her office, or a receptionist, 63 and 83/9 percent of them apply Kurdish, respectively. In conversing with their neighbors and a taxi / bus driver, the addressees Kurdish usage were 63/8 and 71/6 percent, respectively. Nevertheless, Kurdish usage is severely decreasing in these two domains among the youth. As an example, only 39 percent of them converse with neighbors in Kurdish. The domains of religion and art are subject oriented rather than participants or situation. Although 64 percent of the questioned persons in 20 -50 group prefer Kurdish to Persian in music, 35 percent of the youngest group prefer Kurdish in this subject. At religion domain, the finding maintained the dominance of Persian usage in the youngest group but, only 18 percent of the 20- 50 years group use Persian in worship and praying. 5.Conclusions & Suggestions On the whole, the findings indicated that Kermanshah is experiencing an accelerating language shift among the youth. The argumentation supporting such an indication are as follows: 1. The youth and educated people’ tendency to acquire and use Persian signifies the reduction of Kurdish native speakers. 2. The girls’ (as would–be mothers) tendency to use Persian means the spread of Persian acquisition by the next generation, because they have the crucial role in language transmission to little children. 3. In family domain, Kurdish is used even less than office, marketplaces and art domains. 4. The lack of much positive attitude to Kurdish implies the less collective determination to maintain this language. Select Bibliography Beck, D. & Lam, Y. Language Loss and Linguistic Suicide: A Case Study from the Sierra Norte de Puebla, Mexico. Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics. 2008; 27: 5-6. DOI https://doi.org/10.7939/R3J679027 [Accessed 1 Apr 2018] Cohn, A. C., & Ravindranath, M. Local languages in Indonesia: Language maintenance or language shift? Linguistik Indonesia, 2014; 32(2): 131–148. DOI https://doi.org/10.26499/li.v32i2.22 [Accssed December 5 , 2019] Dabir Moghaddam, M. The Typology of the Iranian Languages. Tehran: SAMT, 2013. (In Persian). Fasold, R. The Sociolinguistics of Society. Oxford, UK: Basil Blackwell, 1984. Fishman, J. A. Reversing Language Shift: Theoretical and Empirical Assistance to Threatened Languages. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, 1991. Loutfi, A. (2020). The Status of Mother Tongues and Language Policy in Morocco, The International Journal of Applied Language Studies and Culture (IJALSC), 2020; (3) 2: 1-10 DOI:10.34301/alsc.v3i2.27 McNulty, S. J. Linguicide or linguistic suicide? A case study of Indigenous Minority Languages in France, School of Philosophy, Psychology and Language Sciences of The University of Edinburg hance”, University of Edinburgh, United Kingdom, 2019. DOI:10.13140/RG.2.2.14334.13124. [Accessed 29 June 20]. Sirkeci,I. & Zeyneloglu,S. & Civelek,Y. Language Shift among Kurds In Turkey: A special and demographic analysis. In KURDISH STUDIES. 2016; 4(1): 25-50. https://kurdishstudies.net/menu-script/index.php/KS/article/view/117 [Accessed 20 Feb 2018]. Wamaitha, K., R. Assessment of Language Shift among the youth in Nairobi County, Kenya: Katarina University. Journal of Advances in Language and Literary Studies, 2019; 9(4): 34-56. URI https://karuspace.karu.ac.ke/handle/20.500.12092/2425. [Accessed 13 Apr 2020]. Zarei, Ghodrat. Age Variable in Language Maintenance or change: A Case Study of Kermashani Kurdish. The Journal of Western Iranian Languages and Dialects, Razi University, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, 2023. (In Press). DOI: 10.22126/jlw.2024.10368.1752 تغییر زبان در جامعه‌های چند‌زبانه یک موضوع مهم تلقی می‌شود. گویشوران زبان‌های محلی تمایل به فراگیری زبان‌های معتبر دارند. گرایش به کاربرد زبان فارسی در بافت دو/ چند زبانۀ شهرکرمانشاه بقای زبان کردی جنوبی (گویش کرماشانی) را تهدید می‌کند. پرسش اساسی درمورد حفظ یا تغییر زبان بومی گویشوران است. فرضیۀ پژوهش این است که کاربرد زبان کردی در حوزه‌های مختلف به‌ویژه در میان نوجوانان کاهش یافته و به‌سمت زبان فارسی سوق می‌یابد. برای یافتن پاسخ، 384 آزمودنی از 3 گروه سنی زیر20 سال، 20 تا 50 ساله و 50 ساله به‌بالا به‌صورت تصادفی ساده برگزیدیم تا به سؤالات پرسش‌نامه پاسخ دهند. داده‌ها براساس تحلیل حوزه‌ای فیشمن (1966) که از حوزه‌های زبانی به‌عنوان ساختارهای اجتماعی بهره می‌گیرد، جمع‌آوری و با نرم‌افزار SPSS تجزیه و تحلیل شد. نتایج نشان از کاربرد کمتر زبان کردی در حوزۀ خانواده نسبت به حوزه‌های اداری و کوچه و بازار و کاهش میزان فراگیری زبان کردی به‌عنوان زبان اول دارد. در‌مقابل، فراگیری فارسی به‌عنوان زبان اول در جوان‌ترین گروه نسبت به دو گروه سنی بالاتر ‌یکباره به حدود 10 برابر رسیده‌است. یافته‌ها حاکی از شتاب در فرایند تغییر زبان در شهرکرمانشاه است.

https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_8615_5c984de04bc78095205c9e19a9f2adcb.pdf

دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 9 1 2024 04 20 Investigation of the Postposition /dæri/ in the Western Variety of Mazandarani Language بررسی پس‌اضافۀ «دَری» /dæri/ درگونۀ غربی زبان مازندرانی 141 157 8373 10.22124/plid.2025.28863.1689 FA زینب محمدابراهیمی جهرمی استادیار گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران. محسن موسیوند دانش‌آموخته کارشناسی ارشد زبان‌شناسی، دانشگاه شهید بهشتی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2024 11 01 In this study, we intend to investigate and determine the semantic role and grammatical function of the postposition /dæri/ in the western variety of Mazandarani language. The data of this research is collected from the natural speech of western Mazandarani speakers. Moreover, the linguistic intuition of one of the writers of this research, as a native speaker is used. The number of native speakers is 15 (males & females). The speakers are from 40 to 70 years old and have proficiency in standard Persian language as a second language. The necessary historical data is also collected by library method and by searching in dictionaries. Then, the semantic role and grammatical function of the mentioned postposition is examined in natural sentences, based on the sub-theories "Case" & "Theta" from Chomsky's Principles and Parameters Theory. The results of this study show that /dæri/ existed only in the western variety of Mazandarani language and it just indicates the semantic role of “origin” or “source”. The postposition /dæri/ stands as the head of prepositional phrases and it cannot be omitted. This prepositional phrase can be the complement of the verb of the sentence. The noun phrase which is the complement of this adposition, must be semantically inanimate; Unless, this postposition (Dari) participates in a combination. Extended Abstract 1.Introduction Mazandarani, also known as Mazani or Tabari, is one of the oldest Iranian languages. It is classified as one of the north-western Iranian languages and it is a part of the group of languages related to the Caspian Sea coast languages. Historically, it is also connected to the Parthian language. Mazandarani has numerous dialects and varieties. The goal of this research is to answer the question of the semantic role and syntactic function of the postposition /dæri/, which is specific to the Western variety of Mazandarani, based on the two sub-theories of Case and Theta theories from Chomsky's Principles and Parameters Theory. Numerous studies have been conducted both inside and outside of Iran regarding other adpositions in this language, and other authors have published significant information about these adpositions. Therefore, in this study, we focus solely on the postposition /dæri/. 2.Theoretical framework An adposition is a grammatical term which includes two categories: prepositions (such as 'from', 'in', 'to', etc.) and postpositions (such as the particle /rɑ/ in Persian). Adpositions are considered as a kind of parts of speech and are non-declension. Historically, these elements have usually evolved from adverbs of place. The analysis of the postposition /dæri/ in the natural sentences in the text is done based on the two sub-theories Case and Theta from Chomsky’s Principles and Parameters theory. 3.Methodology The data of this research was collected from the natural speech of 15 speakers of the Western variety of Mazandarani, and also based on one of the researcher's linguistic intuition. These individuals, aged between 40 and 70, engaged in conversations in a completely natural environment without being aware that their speech was being recorded. After recording the conversations, a number of sentences were selected for analysis (with the participants' permission to use the audio recorded). In addition to linguistic data, relevant historical information was gathered from various sources using the library method. Finally, the selected sentences were analyzed to determine the syntactic function and semantic role of the postposition /dæri/ within them. 4.Results & Discussion Adpositions, like case markers, convey various semantic roles. From a historical perspective, one of these roles is considered primary, and the other functions have developed over time through language changes. The semantic roles of adpositions can be divided into two categories: spatial semantic roles and non-spatial semantic roles. Non-spatial roles include accompaniment, manner, instrument, and cause. In this classification, 'accompaniment' is usually considered the primary semantic role. In Indo-European languages, the adposition used to express the semantic role of accompaniment can also convey the meaning of an instrument. The instrumental role is, in a sense, a semantic extension of 'accompaniment', and these two meanings often co-occur. If an animate noun is combined with an adposition that indicates accompaniment, it implies a meaning of companionship, but if an inanimate noun is combined with the same adposition, it indicates the semantic role of 'instrument'. Most adpositions in Mazandarani language, unlike most live languages in Iran, are postpositions, i.e., they come after the noun or complement. For example, in standard Persian we say: a) گربه روی دیوار نشسسته بود. (preposition) [goɾbe ruːje diːvɒːɾ neʃæste buːd] The cat on the wall sitting was The cat was sitting on the the wall. In Mazandarani, we say: b) پیچا دیوار سر بنیشته بیَه. (postposition) [piːt͡ʃɒ divɒːre sær bæniʃte bijæ] the cat the wall on sitting was The cat was sitting on the the wall. The noun phrase “the wall” in sentence 1. b) is the complement of the prepositional phrase and as it is observed, it is placed before the postposition /sær/ (on) in Mazandarani. We will now discuss the postposition under investigation in this research. /dæri/ is a postposition in Western varieties of Mazandarani and it means 'from'. This postposition is the head of the prepositional phrase and always it follows its complement. Today, the use of this postposition in Mazandarani has decreased slightly, and Mazandarani speakers, following Persian, sometimes use the preposition /æz/, but /dæri/ is still prevalent in this language variety. Consider the following example: سمنان دَری بیمای؟ [semnɑn dæri bimɑj?] Semnan from you came You came from Semnan? It should be noted that when this postposition is used, unlike using other adpositions, genitive marker is not used any more (similar to /æz/ in Persian which is not followed by Persian genitive marker, i.e., kasre ezafe). Like the preposition /æz/ in Standard Persian, '/dæri/' is also indispensable. As the head of the prepositional phrase, its omission can alter the sentence's meaning or render it ungrammatical. For instance, in Persian, removing “from”/æz/, from the sentence“I came from school”, changes the meaning of the sentence. Similarly, in Mazandarani, the postposition /dæri/ cannot be omitted. 5.Conclusions After conducting a thorough investigation of semantic and syntactic functions of the postposition /dæri/, we concluded that its form and semantic role are equivalent to the preposition /æz/ in modern Persian. However, its semantic role differs from the postposition /d͡ʒɑ/ in the Baboli variety of Mazandarani. Unlike /d͡ʒɑ/, which conveys the semantic roles of accompaniment, manner, cause, and origin, the semantic role of /dæri/ is limited to 'origin'. This postposition, as its name suggests, is postpositional and always follows the noun or complement. Moreover, it can combine with other adpositions to form compound postpositions. Select Bibliography Abolhassani Chimeh, Z & Nushi, M. Postpositions in Mazandarani: Evidence for Generalizing, Historical Harmony and Natural Serialization Principle. The linguistics journal, 2017; 11: 189– 204. Aghagolzadeh, F. Mazandarani (Tabari) Language: A Linguistic Description (Field Research - Language Atlas). Tehran: Tarbiat Modares University, 2015. [in Persian] Changizi, E., & Hashemi Kamangar, S. S. The adposition “ja” in the Baboli variety of Mazandarani. Journal of Language and Linguistics, 2016; 24: 139-153. [in Persian] Garnik S, Asatrian, “DIMLI”, Encyclopaedia Iranica, VI/4, 406-411. Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation. 1993. Haspelmath, M and Tadmor, U. Loanwords in the World’s Languages: A Comparative Handbook. Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin. 2009. Humand, N. A Study of the Tabari Language. Tehran: Danesh Publications, 1991. [in Persian] Kalbasi, I. The Kelardasht Dialect. Tehran: Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies, 1997. [in Persian] Luraghi, S. On the Meaning of Prepositions and Cases: The expression of semantic roles in Ancient Greek. Vol. 67, 2003. در پژوهش حاضر نقش معنایی و کارکرد دستوری پس‌اضافۀ /dæri/ در گونۀ غربیِ زبانِ مازندرانی مطالعه شده‌است. داده‌های پژوهش، برپایۀ شمِ زبانی یکی از نگارندگان و همچنین گفتار طبیعی گویشوران انتخاب گردیده‌است. تعداد گویشورانِ آزمودنی ۱۵ نفر (مرد و زن) است. آزمودنی‌ها از ۴۰ تا ۷0 سال و بر زبان فارسی معیار، به عنوان زبان دوم تسلط دارند. داده‌های تاریخیِ لازم، به روش کتابخانه‌ای و از طریق جست‌وجو در فرهنگ‌نامه‌ها گردآوری شده‌ و نقش معنایی و کارکرد دستوری حرف ‌اضافۀ مذکور، براساس زیرنظریه‌های «حالت» و «تتایی» از نظریۀ «اصول و پارامتر‌های چامسکی»، در جملات طبیعی بررسی گردیده‌است. نتایج بررسی نشان می‌دهد که پس‌اضافة /dæri/، تنها در گونة ‌غربی زبان مازندرانی وجود دارد و تنها بر نقش معنایی «خاستگاه» یا «منشأ» دلالت دارد. پس اضافۀ /dæri/ هستۀ گروه حرف‌اضافه‌ای قرار می‌گیرد و قابل‌حذف نیست. این گروه حرف‌اضافه‌ای می‌تواند نقش مکمل (متمم) فعل را در جمله برعهده داشته باشد. گروه اسمی که مکمل (متمم) این حرف اضافه ‌است باید به لحاظ معنایی بی‌جان باشد؛ مگر اینکه این پس‌اضافه (dæri) در یک ترکیب شرکت نماید.

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دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 9 1 2024 04 20 Frā and Hā as Adpositions in Persian Texts حرف اضافۀ «فرا» و «ها» در متون فارسی 159 176 8369 10.22124/plid.2025.28590.1687 FA فرحناز جمالی دانشجوی دکتری فرهنگ و زبان‌های باستانی ایران، واحد علوم و تحقیقات، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران، ایران. 0009-0004-1436-4005 مجتبی منشی زاده استاد گروه زبان‌شناسی دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران احسان چنگیزی دانشیار گروه زبان‌شناسی، ، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران ایران Journal Article 2024 09 30 Some Persian literary texts exhibit features that are less commonly observed in other texts from the Islamic era, however their origins can be traced back to ancient Iranian languages. One such feature is the use of frā and hā as adpositions and verbal prefixes. In some of these texts, frā is used, while in others, its variant hā is employed. In Tāj al-Tarājim, both forms are used. This article examines the evolution of frā in terms of form and function across the ancient periods of Iranian languages, highlighting its change from an adverb to an adposition and a verbal prefix. In Avestan, frā is an adverb meaning ‘forward’ or ‘ahead’. In some contexts, it lost its semantic function, and its placement before other sentence elements has led to its reanalysis as an adposition. In sentences, its proximity to the verb gradually causes it to become a verbal prefix. In Middle Persian and Parthian texts, frā mostly survived as a residual element in the structure of certain words. However, in some Persian literary texts, it continues to function as a verbal prefix or an adposition indicating the semantic roles of theme and goal of motion verbs. Through phonetic changes, frā changed into hā, which also retained the same functions as its earlier form. Extended abstract 1.Introduction Adpositions are linguistic elements used to indicate grammatical relations or various semantic roles, which have had multiple meanings and functions throughout different periods of the language. Some roles of adpositions were current in earlier stages of the language, while others have evolved over time due to linguistic developments. Persian literary texts exhibit characteristics not found in existing Middle Persian and Parthian texts. From this perspective, one can utilize the data from these texts and compare them with earlier periods to examine linguistic changes and the roles and functions of various linguistic forms. Tāj al-Tarājim fi Tafsīr al-Qurān al-A'ājim is one of the translations of the Quran and one of the most significant interpretive texts, translated from Arabic into Persian by Imam Emad al-Din Abu al-Mozfar Shāhfur ibn Tahir ibn Muhāmmad Esfarāyeni," a prominent Shāfi'i scholar of his time, between 430 and 460 AH (Islamic calendar). One feature of this text is the use of "frā" as an adposition and verbal prefix, as well as its other form, "hā," serving both functions. In some Persian literary texts, instead of frā, hā has been used as a prefix and adposition, which is a variant form found in certain regions of Iran. The difference between these texts and Tāj al-Tarājim is that in them only hā has been used as an adposition and verbal prefix; however, in Tāj al-Tarājim, both frā and hā are employed as adpositions and verbal prefixes. Previous research has addressed the use of hā instead of frā and the change from f to h in Iranian dialects; however, there has been no mention regarding the primary function of frā or how it transforms into an adposition or prefix. 2.Review of Literature Bahār (1960: 331-340) believes that this prefix does not appear in Middle Persian but is characteristic of the Dari language where it precedes verbs. Samsāmi (1967: 93-95) only refers to its Sanskrit form (prak meaning before or front) and its Avestan form (frā), concluding after quoting Bahār that frā is a prefix that appears before nouns and verbs. Nātel-Khānlari (1987: 3-45), along with Abolqasemī (2008: 265), have pointed out instances where the prefix frā is used with certain verbs to denote specific meanings; Nātel-Khānlari also mentioned its use as an adposition in some texts while referring to its Avestan form (1986:402). Khānlari (1986: 3-48) noted instances where hā was used as a prefix equivalent to b- which seems to be a local pronunciation variant, providing examples thereof. Khatib-Rahbar (2000: 387-388) and Sadeghi (2002: 4-5) also cited examples from texts dating back to the fifth through seventh centuries where hā was used instead of frā as both a verbal prefix and adposition. In the majority of the aforementioned works, none have referred to how these letters evolved, nor have they mentioned the adposition and verbal prefix. This article aims to examine the role and function of frā in earlier stages of the Persian language - namely Old Persian, Avesta, and Middle Persian - and demonstrate how frā has taken on multiple grammatical functions while exploring how hā emerged, its relationship with frā and how these changes generally occur within Iranian languages. We will also address reasons for the change from f to h. 3.Results and Discussion 3.1. frā: In Old Persian, frā has always been a verbal prefix meaning "before, in front" and is attached to verbs; it sometimes changes the primary meaning of the verb but has not been used as an adverb or adposition (Kent, 1953: §§197, 268; Schmitt, 2014: 175). In Avestan, adverbs have transformed into verbal prefixes and adpositions due to a process of grammaticalization. In Avestan, frā, meaning "before, in front," is an example of such adverbs that has been used as a prefix either with or without a space from the verb. Considering the data from the Avestan language, one must recognize the primary role and function of frā as an adverb that changed into an adposition and then came closer to verbs, finding a fixed position and turning into a verbal prefix. In existing Middle Persian and Parthian literature, there are no examples of its use as an adposition; however, in Persian literary texts, there are many examples of its use both as an adposition and as a verbal prefix. 3.2. hā: In some Persian literary texts, hā has been used with the same functions as frā; that is to say, both as an adposition and as a verbal prefix. Hā is another form of frā. One of the transformations in Iranian languages is the change from f in ancient times to h in Middle Persian which has persisted into modern Persian and other Iranian dialects (Bagheri, 2002: 101; Gray, 1902: §300). The change from f to h, which is common in many languages, represents a kind of lenition process during which the place of articulation loses its position in the mouth and becomes fricative glottal (Méndez Dosuna, 1996; Foulkes, 1997). In modern Iranian languages such as Sangesari, Mazandarani, and Kashei dialects, the phonetic cluster 'fr' has changed to 'h(a)r' or sometimes dropped 'r', becoming just 'h' (Azami and Windfuhr, 1972: 199; Windfuhr, 2010: 21; Borjian, 2017). 4.Conclusion Frā was used in ancient Persian texts during a specific time period - namely between the fourth and fifth centuries AH - in an area geographically encompassing central Iran and gradually gave way to hā. However, in Tāj al-Tarājim, both frā and hā were used side by side as adpositions and verbal prefixes. Given that there is no precise information about the life of the author of Tāj al-Tarājim available at hand, considering his text's characteristics closely suggests that it may belong to an area within central Iran or that he was influenced by central Iranian dialects. Selected Bibliography Abolqasemī, M. Historical Grammar of Persian Language. Tehran: The Organization for Researching and Composing University textbooks in the Humanities (SAMT), 2008. [In Persian]. Barthlomae, C. Altiranisches Wörterbuch. Berlin: De Gruyter, 1961. Esfarāyeni, I., & Heravi, N. M., & Khorasani, A. Tāj al-Tarājim fi Tafsīr al-Qurān al-A'ājim. Tehran: Elmi Farhangi Publishing Co., 1995. [In Persian]. Gershevitch, I. A Grammar of Manichean Sogdian. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1961 Humbach, H. and P. R. Ichaporia. Zamyād Yasht: Yasht 19 of the younger Avesta: text, translation, commentary. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1998. Nātel-Khānlari, P. History of Persian Language. Tehran: Nashr-e No, 1986. [In Persian]. Panaino, A. Tištrya: The Avestan Hymn to Sirius (Part I), Roma: Istituto Italiano per Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1990. Sadeghi, A. A. Dialectology in Iran based on Persian Texts; Central Dialects. Linguistics, 2002; 17(1): 2-8. [In Persian]. Samsāmi, M. Prefixes and Suffixes of Persian Language. Isfahan: Mash’al, 1967. [In Persian]. Windfuhr, G.“Dialectology and Topics”. In Windfuhr, G. (ed.). Iranian Languages, 5-44. London and NewYork: Routledge, 1972. برخی از متون ادب فارسی، ویژگی‌هایی دارند که در سایر متون دورۀ اسلامی کمتر دیده می‌شود، ولی می‌توان سابقۀ آن را در زبان‌های کهن ایرانی بررسی کرد. یکی از این ویژگی‌ها کاربرد «فرا» و «ها» در مقام حرف اضافه و پیشوند فعلی است. در برخی از متون، «فرا» و در برخی دیگر، «ها» که صورت دیگری از «فرا» است، به کار رفته‌است. در تاج‌التراجم، هر دو صورت به کار رفته. در این مقاله، سیر تحول «فرا» از منظر صورت و کارکرد در دوره‌های کهن زبانهای ایرانی بررسی و چگونگی تحول آن از قید به حرف اضافه و پیشوند نشان داده شده‌است. در زبان اوستایی، frā قید به معنی «پیش، جلو» است و در برخی بافتها، کارکرد معنایی خود را از دست داده و قرار گرفتن آن پیش از یکی از اجزای جمله سبب شده به عنوان حرف اضافه بازتحلیل شود. نزدیک شدن به فعل جمله نیز به تدریج آن را به پیشوند فعل بدل کرده‌است. frā در متون موجود فارسی میانه و پهلوی اشکانی جز به صورت عنصری رسوبی در ساخت برخی واژه‌ها باقی نمانده‌است، اما در برخی متون ادب فارسی، با کارکرد پیشوند فعل و همچنین، حرف اضافه برای دلالت بر نقش معنایی پذیرنده و مقصد فعل حرکتی باقی مانده‌است. طی روند تحول آوایی، frā به hā بدل شده و این صورت نیز، همان کارکردهای صورت پیشین را حفظ کرده‌است.

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دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 9 1 2024 04 20 Investigating the Acoustic Correlates of Reliance and Grammatical Differentiation of Verbs in the Mashhadi Dialect همبسته‌های آکوستیکی تکیه و تمایز دستوری افعال همسان گویش مشهدی 177 203 8472 10.22124/plid.2025.27523.1672 FA سعیده شجاع رضوی استادیار گروه زبان‌شناسی پژوهشکدۀ زبان و گویش رایج پژوهشگاه میراث فرهنگی و گردشگری، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 05 22 The present study deals with the homonymous verbs of the Mashhadi dialect that are used in different grammatical structures. These verbs were divided into two parts: two-syllable and more than two-syllable. Method: The present descriptive-analytical study was conducted on 10 male Mashhadi speakers in the age range of 40 to 60 years. The role of acoustic correlates of emphasis and its effect on the grammatical differentiation of homonymous verbs of the Mashhadi dialect was investigated using important acoustic parameters of speech tone, namely fundamental frequency, intensity, and duration. In this study, 960 verbs were produced and analyzed using Pratt speech analysis software. These verbs are in 8 grammatical tenses: present continuous and future, simple past and past perfect, past continuous and past perfect continuous, past perfect and past perfect. Dissyllabic verbs of distant tense are produced with more duration and lower pitch, while verbs of nearer tense have less duration and lower pitch. Polysyllabic verbs of distant tense have variable stress positions. This position was divided into two categories based on distance and proximity. Mashhadi speakers require two factors to induce the concept of distant time in two-syllable verbs: duration and base frequency, and in verbs with more than two syllables, it requires shifting the stress position. The increase in base frequency and duration was observed only in two-syllable distant time verbs. In verbs with more than two syllables, the increase in acoustic stress correlations did not occur due to the change in stress position. Extended abstract 1.Introduction Stress is a characteristic of the syllabic order, and a differentiator in some cases. In the present study, the role of the distinctiveness of Stress in the grammatical differentiation of verbs in the Mashhadi dialect was examined. In the Mashhadi dialect, it was observed that some verbs are completely similar to each other and non-phonological factors have caused the distinction between them. It was observed that identical two-syllable verbs are identical even in terms of the position of the Stress, but Mashhadi speakers use factors other than Stress to differentiate these verbs. In identical verbs with more than two syllables, Stress was observed to be a differentiator between verbs. Because of this, in the present study, an attempt was made to use acoustic phonetics in order to examine more precisely the syllabic order factors effective in the grammatical differentiation of these verbs. 2.Theoretical framework Regarding the acoustic correlates of the stressed syllable Frye (1955) stated that duration, sub-basement, vowel quality and loudness are the most important acoustic correlates of lexical stress. Also (F0) is the strongest production-sound sign of lexical stress and other factors such as duration, intensity and vowel quality have lesser effect on the phonetic realization of stress (Frye, 1955). Beckman and Edwards (1994) believe that what basically causes the contrast of lexical stress at the word level is sub-basement stress and the effect of other factors such as syllable duration and energy intensity is largely dependent on the vowel and the speaker. In order to observe the difference between completely identical verbs and verbs that are distinguished by a change in stress position, three acoustic correlates of stress were examined in the present study. 3.Methodology In this study, eight grammatical tenses were examined, and for each grammatical tense, 3 two-syllable verbs and 3 verbs with more than two syllables were examined, and ten male speakers (aged 40 to 60 years) repeated these verbs twice. A (oral) questionnaire containing 48 questions was prepared, and the speakers' answers to the questions were the verb in question in the appropriate grammatical tense. A computer, microphone, and Pert software (version 5132) were used to record and measure the research data. The data were recorded and stored directly on the Pert software. Interrogative sentences were read to the speakers at appropriate intervals, and they repeated the appropriate answer twice. In total, 96 verbs (48x2) were obtained from each speaker and 960 verbs were obtained from the total number of speakers. In order to collect linguistic data and ask the speakers, the 8 categories of verbs under study were asked in the form of Interrogative sentences. 4.Results and Discussion In the study of identical verbs, first the acoustic correlates of two-syllable verbs and then the acoustic correlates of verbs with more than two syllables were measured. Finally, the stressed syllable of both verb groups in identical grammatical tenses were compared with each other. This study was conducted to determine which acoustic correlates of stress have a higher frequency in which grammatical tenses and which correlates are more effective in inducing the desired tense concept. In the comparison of the two-syllable verbs in question, the identical stressed syllables were examined and the average of the stressed syllables was presented in the graphs. In verbs with more than two syllables, it was observed that the stress position changes for grammatical differentiation and these identical verbs do not have a higher level of acoustic correlations in the stressed position. In other words, the duration and base frequency in the stressed syllable of these two identical pairs do not differ much. 5.Conclusion & Suggestions This study answered two main questions: 1- Are acoustic correlates used in the grammatical differentiation of identical verbs in the Mashhadi dialect? Yes, in completely identical two-syllable verbs, these acoustic correlates cause semantic and grammatical differentiation. In examining these verbs, it was observed that the further the grammatical tense of identical two-syllable verbs is from the speaker's speech tense or the speaker considers a more distant time when comparing two verbs, the more distant time is expressed with more tension and inflection than the closer time. Because of this, two-syllable verbs were divided into two categories: closer tense and more distant tense. In the comparison, present continuous verbs, simple past, past continuous and past perfect verbs were placed in the closer group, and future verbs, past perfect, past perfect continuous and past perfect continuous were placed in the more distant group. Finally, it was observed that verbs of nearer tense have lower duration and pitch than verbs of more distant tense. In other words, the Mashhadi speaker needs the duration and sub-bass factors to induce the concept of more distant tense in two identical two-syllable verbs. 2- Do two-syllable and more than two-syllable verbs differ in the selection of acoustic correlates? Yes, completely identical two-syllable verbs in the Mashhadi dialect require the duration and sub-bass factors to induce the concept of more distant tense, but verbs of more than two syllables use the stress position to induce the concept of more distant and closer tense. In this structure, too, there is a more distant and closer temporal concept for completely identical verbs, but the change in the stress position of verbs of more than two syllables from the second syllable to the third syllable is the cause of semantic and grammatical differences. Verbs that have a more distant temporal relationship with the speaker have their third syllable stressed, and verbs that are closer to the speaker's time have their second syllable stressed. To convey the concept of more distant time in completely identical verbs of three syllables and more, Mashhadi speakers need to change the stress position. Another result of this study is that Mashhadi speakers have a high auditory sensitivity to stress contrasts; that is, listeners of the Mashhadi dialect are highly sensitive to acoustic changes caused by the shift in the location of the phonetic prominence, and acoustic changes have caused syntactic changes in this dialect. Select Bibliography Beckman, M. E. & Edwards, J. Articulatory evidence for differentiating stress categories. In P. A. Keating (Ed.), Phonological Structure and Phonetic Form: Papers in Laboratory Phonology, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1994, pp. 7-33. Catford, J. C. A Practical Introduction to Phonetics. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988. Cruttenden, A. Intonation, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986. Firoozian, A. A Study of Phonological Processes in the Mashhadi Dialect Based on the Phonology of the Unit. Abstracts of the International Conference on Dialects of Desert Regions of Iran, (113) Semnan: Semnan University, 2009, p. 113. [In Persian]. Gussenhoven, C. The phonology of tone and intonation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. https://doi.org/ 10.1017/cbo9780511616983. Heldner, M. On the reliability of overall intensity and spectral emphasis as acoustic correlates of focal accents in Swedish. Journal of Phonetics, 2003; 31(1): 39–62. Meshkot al-Dini, M. The Relationship between the Official Dialect and the Local Dialect of the Persian Language. Nāmeye Farhangestān, 2008; (10)1: 24-71 [In Persian]. Mousavi, N. A Study of the Phonological Correlates of Affirmation in the Persian Language. Proceedings of the Seventh Linguistic Conference. Abu Ali Sina University. 2007; pp. 405-455 [In Persian]. Sepanta, S. New Studies on the Affirmation of the Persian Language, Journal of the Faculty of Literature, University of Isfahan, 1975; 10(12): 1-10. [In Persian]. Sadeghi, V., and A. Emadi. The Role of Acoustic Parameters in Distinguishing Persian Simple Past and Present Perfect Tenses Journal of Researches in Linguistics. 2020; 12(22): 51-72. [In Persian]. پژوهش حاضر به افعال همسان گویش مشهدی که در ساخت‌های متفاوت دستوری به کار می‌روند پرداخته‌است. این افعال به دو بخش دوهجایی و بیش از دوهجایی تقسیم شد. نقش همبسته‌های آکوستیکی تکیه و تأثیر آن بر تمایز دستوری افعال همسان گویش مشهدی با پارامترهای صوتی مهمِ نوای گفتار یعنی فرکانس پایه، شدت و دیرش بررسی گردید. در این بررسی ۹۶۰ فعل تولید و با نرمافزار تحلیل گفتار پرات بررسی شد. این افعال در هشت زمان دستوری حال استمراری و آینده، ماضی ساده و ماضی نقلی، ماضی استمراری و ماضی نقلی مستمر، ماضی بعید و ماضی ابعد است. افعال دوهجایی همسان زمان دورتر، با دیرش و زیروبمی بیشتری تولید می‌شود و افعال زمان نزدیک‌تر دیرش و زیروبمی کمتری دارد. افعال چندهجایی همسان، جایگاه تکیۀ متغیر دارند. این جایگاه برحسب دور و نزدیک بودن به دو دسته تقسیم شدند. گویشور مشهدی برای القای مفهوم زمان دورتر در افعال دوهجایی نیازمند دو عامل دیرش و فرکانس پایه‌ است و در افعال بیش از دوهجایی نیازمند جابه‌جایی جایگاه تکیه. افزایش فرکانس پایه و دیرش فقط در افعال زمان دورتر دوهجایی است. در افعال بیش از دوهجایی به دلیل تغییر در جایگاه تکیه‌ افزایش همبسته‌های اکوستیکی تکیه رخ نداد.

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دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 9 1 2024 04 20 The Acoustic Correlates of Wh-Phrases in Persian wWh-in-Situ Questions همبسته‌های نوایی پرسش‌واژه‌ها در پرسش‌های استفهامی زبان فارسی 205 227 8258 10.22124/plid.2024.28923.1690 FA نیلوفر منصوری هره دشت استادیار زبان‌شناسی و زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران زهرا سبزعلی دانش‌آموختۀ کارشناس ارشد زبانشناسی، دانشگاه بین‌المللی امام خمینی، قزوین، ایران. Journal Article 2024 11 08 Wh-questions fall into two different classes: fronted wh-questions and wh-in-situ questions. In fronted wh-questions, the wh-phrase moves to the beginning of the sentence to form a wh-question. On the other hand, in wh-in-situ questions, the wh-phrase occurs at the same site as its declarative counterpart is expected to occur. In the present experimental research, we examined the prosodic correlates of wh-phrases in Persian wh-in-situ questions to determine which factors may phonetically distinguish Persian wh-phrases from their declarative counterparts. Results suggested that the duration of the accented syllable as well as the interval between the low (L) and the high (H) tone (L-to-H interval) in wh-phrases are significantly smaller than their declarative counterparts. Regression analyses revealed that L-to-H interval is strongly correlated with the duration of the accented syllable. Furthermore, the results showed that F0 maximum, F0 mean and F0 excursion size are significantly larger in wh-phrases compared to declarative phrases. These results were interpreted as suggesting that the overall pitch contour of Persian wh-phrases in wh-in-situ questions are significantly different from their declarative counterparts, and that Persian speakers use all prosodic factors related to duration and frequency to distinguish wh-phrases from declarative ones. Extended abstract 1.Introduction Wh-questions are expressions that use wh-phrases to enquire about desired information. There are two types of wh-questions: fronted wh-questions and wh-in-situ questions. In fronted wh-questions, which occur in languages such as English, the wh-phrase moves to the beginning of the sentence to form a wh-question (Carnie, 2007; Chomsky, 1977). On the other hand, there are languages, including Persian, in which the wh-phrase is not required to move to sentence-initial position to form a wh-question. In Persian, wh-questions are in situ by default (Kahnemuyipour, 2009; Karimi, 2005; Karimi & Taleghani, 2007).1 In wh-in-situ questions, the wh-phrase occurs at the same site as its declarative counterpart is expected to occur. The absence of the wh-phrase in sentence initial position in Persian wh-in-situ questions raises the question as to whether or not the prosody of a sentence is indicative of the sentence type. In addition, the occurrence of the interrogative marker at a later point in the sentence brings focus to the role of prosody in characterizing the pre-wh part (i.e., the part of the sentence before the wh-phrase) as compared with the post-wh part (i.e., the part of the sentence after the wh-phrase) of the sentence. 2.Theoretical Framework In the autosegmental-metrical model of intonational phonology, f0 contours are composed of low and high tones (L and H, respectively) associated with prosodic boundaries or prominent, i.e. stressed syllables; these Ls and Hs are phonetically realized as a sequence of local maxima and minima, known as f0 turning points or targets. Under this approach, pitch rises and falls are essentially regarded as transitions from one turning point to another, i.e. local f0 movements are not primitives of the linguistic analysis, but are defined in terms of their beginning and ending points (Arvaniti, 2009, Gussenhoven, 2004). 3.Methodology The materials of this experiment represent two main conditions: (i) wh-in-situ questions and (ii) declaratives. We composed a corpus of 97 sentences for each condition, which means that each participant produced 194 sentences. The wh-words used in the sentences were “who”, “which” and “what” (as singular and plural subjects), “which” and “whom” (as singular and plural objects). Twelve native speakers of standard Persian (4 males and 8 females) between the ages of 24 and 42 years participated in the production experiment. All of them were university students at different universities in Tehran. The sentences in both conditions were structured so as to be minimally different to provide the best comparison across conditions. Moreover, sentences were composed of the same number of words and syllables in both conditions. To avoid the effect of pitch perturbation caused by obstruents (Ladd, 2008), we tried to use words consisting of sonorants as much as possible. However, in some cases it was not possible to avoid certain stops, e.g. /k/ in the word kodom “which”. 4.Results and discussion Results suggested that the duration of the accented syllable as well as the interval between the low (L) and the high (H) tone (L-to-H interval) in wh-phrases are significantly smaller than their declarative counterparts. Regression analyses revealed that L-to-H interval is strongly correlated with the duration of the accented syllable. Furthermore, the results showed that F0 maximum, F0 mean and F0 excursion size are significantly larger in wh-phrases compared to declarative phrases. These results were interpreted as suggesting that the overall pitch contour of Persian wh-phrases in wh-in-situ questions are significantly different from their declarative counterparts. 5.Conclusion Overall, the findings of the present research indicate that Persian speakers use all prosodic factors related to duration and frequency to distinguish wh-phrases from declarative ones. Thus, in the absence of the wh-phrase in sentence initial position in Persian wh-in-situ, the prosody of a sentence is indicative of the sentence type. In addition, prosody serves to characterize the pre-wh part (i.e., the part of the sentence before the wh-phrase) as compared with the post-wh part (i.e., the part of the sentence after the wh-phrase) of the sentence, when the interrogative marker occurs at a later point in the sentence. Select Bibliography Abedi, F., Moinzadeh, A., & Gharaei, Z. “WH-movement in English and Persian within the framework of government and binding theory”. International Journal of Linguistics, 2012; 4: 419–432. doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v4i3.2325 Arvaniti, A. “Intonational Primitives”. In Marc van Oostendorp, Colin Ewen, Beth Hume and Keren Rice (Eds.), Companion to Phonology, Wiley-Blackwell. 2009. Bijankhan, Mahmood (2013). Phonetic System of the Persian Language. Tehran: Organization for the Study and Compilation of University Humanities Books (Samat), Center for Research and Development of Humanities. 2013. Eslami, Moharram. Phonology: Anaylsis of the Intonational System of the Persian Language. Tehran: Organization for the Study and Compilation of University Humanities Books (Samat), Center for Research and Development of Humanities.2005. Gussenhoven, C. The Phonology of Tone and Intonation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2004. Haan, J., Van Heuven, V. J., Pacilly, J., & Van Bezooijen, R. “An anatomy of Dutch question intonation”. Linguistics in the Netherlands, 1997; 14, 97–108. Petrone, C., & Niebuhr, O. “On the intonation of German intonation questions: The role of the prenuclear region”. Language and Speech, 2914; 57: 108–146. doi.org/10.1177/0023830913495651 Sadeghi, Vahid The Prosodic Structure of the Persian Language. Tehran: Organization for the Study and Compilation of University Humanities Books (Samt), Center for Research and Development of Humanities. 2018. Sadeghi, V. (2019). The timing of pre-nuclear pitch accents in Persian”. J. Int. -Phon. Assoc., 2019; 49 (3): 305–329. doi:10.1017/S0025100317000421 Shiamizadeh, Z., Caspers, J., & Schiller, N. O. (2017a). “The role of prosody in the identification of Persian sentence types: Declarative or wh-question?”. Linguistics Vanguard, 3(1), 29-63. doi.org/10.1080/23273798.2018.1463444 پرسشهای استفهامی دو دستهاند: مبتداسازی‌شده و پایه. در دستۀ اول پرسش‌واژه از جایگاه اصلی خود به ابتدای جمله منتقل میشود و در دستۀ دوم کلمۀ پرسشی در جایگاه همتای خبری خود باقی می‌ماند. در این پژوهش، همبسته‌های نوایی پرسشواژه‌ها را در پرسشهای استفهامی پایه در زبان فارسی در چارچوب یک مطالعۀ آزمایشگاهی بررسی کردیم تا عوامل نوایی تأثیرگذار بر تمایز آوایی پرسشواژهها از همتاهای غیراستفهامی آن‌ها را به دست آوریم. نتایج نشان داد دیرش هجای تکیه بر فاصلۀ زمانی بین دو نواخت L و H (وقفۀ زمانی L-H) در سطح هجای تکیه بر برای تمام پرسشواژهها در تمامی جایگاه‌ها از همتاهای غیراستفهامی آن‌ها به‌طور معناداری کمتر است. بررسی همبستگی دو پارامتر دیرش هجای تکیهبر و وقفۀ زمانی L-H نشان داد فاصلۀ زمانی نواخت‌های L و H تکیۀ زیروبمی پرسشواژهها به‌طور نظاممند وابسته به دیرش هجای تکیهبر است. این نتایج همچنین نشان داد مقدار بیشینة F0 در مرز پایانی هجای تکیهبر و متوسط فرکانس پایه و دامنة زیروبمی در طول هجای تکیه بر با تغییر خوانش دستوری یک سازه از غیرپرسشی به پرسشی به‌طور معناداری افزایش مییابد. به این ترتیب شکل کلی منحنی زیروبمی در محل وقوع پرسش‌واژه به‌طور معناداری با همتای خبری آن متفاوت است و فارسیزبانان هنگام تولید پرسش‌های استفهامی پایه از تمامی عوامل نوایی وابسته به زمان و فرکانس پایه برای تمایز پرسش‌واژه‌ها از سازه‌های غیرپرسشی استفاده میکنند.

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دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 9 1 2024 04 20 The Common Pronoun "xod" Its Various Uses and Meanings (Case study: Dīvān of Sharaf al-din Shafarvah Isfahani) ضمیر مشترک «خود»، کاربردها و معانی متنوع آن (مطالعۀ موردی: دیوان شرف‌الدین شفروۀ اصفهانی) 229 244 8240 10.22124/plid.2024.27966.1679 FA شهره معرفت استادیار و عضو هیات علمی فرهنگستان زبان و ادب فارسی، تهران، ایران. Journal Article 2024 07 20 Some types of words in Persian grammar, such as common pronouns, sometimes have various uses and meanings, which are often not paid much attention to. Among these pronouns in the Dīvān of Sharaf al-din Shafarvah Isfahani, a poet who lived in the 6th century AH, is the common pronoun "xod". This pronoun is apparently one of the words of this poet which has also found its way into the language of his poetry. The various meanings of "xod", its uses and the role it plays in correcting the court's text are noteworthy. In this article, we will discuss various meanings of this pronoun and its roles, and then we will examine the role of the pronoun "xod" in correcting the text, as an intratextual element, by citing examples. Extended abstract 1.Introduction The Persian language have capacities that sometimes remain hidden from the reader's eye, capacities that are occasionally utilized in spoken language but have been overlooked in grammatical resources. Among these are the common pronouns that have diverse applications and meanings, which often do not receive much attention. In this research, the various applications and meanings of the pronoun "xod" (خود) are explored in an old Divān of poetry that has not yet been published. This Divān is the work of Sharaf al-din Shafarvah Isfahani, a poet and preacher who lived in the 6th and early 7th centuries AH. Besides being fluent in the Persian language and the Isfahani dialect of his time, Shafarvah also had a good command of Arabic, and there are indications of his familiarity with the Mongolian and Turkish languages in his poetry. The pronoun "xod" appears to be one of the colloquial expressions of this poet that has also found its way into his poetic language. Various meanings of "xod", its applications, and the role it plays in the correction of the text of the Divān are noteworthy. 2.Theoretical Framework In this article, various meanings of the pronoun "xod" (خود) and its roles are discussed, followed by an examination of the role of the pronoun "xod" in text correction as an intratextual element, with examples provided. This research demonstrates that the Persian language has hidden capacities that need to be scrutinized and investigated. The pronoun "xod" was studied as a case example from the Persian language, and its different meanings and applications were presented. 3.Research Method First, the relevant grammatical resources related to the topic of the article were studied, and a general understanding was gathered. Based on the existing manuscripts of Shafarvah's poetry, verses containing the pronoun "xod" (خود) were extracted. Then, the meanings and applications of this pronoun were examined with an analytical-descriptive approach. Finally, using the method of critical editing and considering the pronoun "xod" in Shafarvah's poetry, several verses were corrected. 4.Findings and Discussion Shafarvah has his own unique language. He is a preacher whose audience consists of the common people, and for this reason, he uses a colloquial language when speaking to them. On the other hand, he is a poet who fluent both in Persian and Arabic and is aware of the capacities of both languages, which we can see in the words and phrases he has created. In his poetry, Shafarvah predominantly employs a conversational tone, and one of the recurring words in his poetry, which appears nearly three hundred times, is the pronoun "xod" (خود). By searching for this pronoun in Shafarvah's poetry, we have reached some conclusions: the pronoun "xod" sometimes appears alone in a sentence, meaning that there is neither a preposition before it nor a genitive construction after it; in this case, apart from having an emphatic meaning, it can take on various meanings. Such usages are rare today. Many of these meanings do not have examples in dictionaries and grammatical sources, and the author has provided examples from Shafarvah's poetry for each of them. Among these meanings are: "whether"(آیا) , "alone"(به‌تنهایی) , "exclusively"(منحصراً) , "only"(فقط) , "while"(در حالی‌که) , "whereas" (حال آن‌که) , "even"(حتّی) , "at all"(اصلاً) , "never"(هرگز) , "absolutely"(مطلقاً) , "indeed"(در واقع) , "certainly"(حقیقتاً) , "in fact"(یقیناً) , "but"(امّا) . The "xod" in a sentence takes on various roles of a noun, some of which have been mentioned in grammatical texts, along with evidence for them. Grammarians have categorized the different roles of the common pronoun "xod" under two general headings: the common reflexive pronoun and the emphatic common pronoun. In this article, we will add examples based on the poetry of Shafarvah: appositive (coreferential with the subject), emphatic pronoun, role emphasis, direct object (coreferential with the subject), possessive noun (possessive object/ possessed noun), complement (coreferential with the subject). Additionally, sometimes the agreement of manuscripts and attention to the linguistic and semantic features of Shafarvah's poetry support the correctness of the recording of "xod" in the text; although the recordings in other manuscripts are not incorrect either. Examples for this case have also been provided. 5.Conclusion By examining the linguistic components of a text and discovering its language patterns, a more refined version of the text can be achieved. Furthermore, such analyses provide new evidence to the resources of Persian grammar and also allow for the critique of these sources. In this article, with regard to the pronoun "xod" (خود) in the works of Sharaf al-din Shafarvah Isfahani, we found examples that more precisely delineate the semantic range of this pronoun. Select Bibliography Abulghasemi, Mohsen. A Historical Grammar of the Persian Language, Tehran: SAMT, 1966. [In Persian]. Anvari, Hasan, Ahmadi Givi, Hasan. Persian grammar2, Tehran: Fatemi Publishing. First edition, 2011.[In Persian]. Arzhang, Gholamreza. Contemporary Persian Grammar, Tehran: Ghatreh Publication, 1995. [In Persian]. Farshidvard, Khosrow, Detailed Grammar of Today, Tehran: Sokhan Publications, 1969. [In Persian]. Khatib Rahbar, Khalil. Persian grammar, Tehran: Sokhan Publication, 2002. [In Persian]. Khayampour, Abdol Rasoul. “Criticism method in book guide magazine”, 1960. Persian language and literature of Tabriz University, 1960; 54: 181-228. [In Persian]. Lambton, Ann. K. S. Persian Grammar, UK: Cambridge, 1966. Lazard, Gilbert. Grammaire du Persan Contemporain, Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck, 1957. Natel Khanlari, Parviz. History of Persian Language, Tehran: now Publications, 1986. [In Persian]. Shad, Mohammad Padsah. Farhang-e Anandraj, under supervision of Mohammad Dabirsiaqi. Tehran: Khayyam Bookstore, 1984. [In Persian]. برخی از انواعِ کلمه در زبان فارسی، مانندِ ضمایر مشترک گاه کاربردها و معانی متنوعی دارند که اغلب چندان توجهی به آنها نشده‌است. ازجملۀ این ضمایر در دیوان شرف‌الدین شفروه اصفهانی، شاعر زیسته در قرن ششم هجری، ضمیر مشترک «خود» است. این ضمیر ظاهرا از تکیه‌کلام‌های گفتاری این شاعر است که به زبان شعر وی نیز راه یافته‌است. معانی متنوع «خود»، کاربردهای آن و نقشی که در تصحیح متن دیوان دارد، قابل توجه است. در این مقاله، به معانی متنوع این ضمیر و نقش‌های آن می‌پردازیم و سپس نقش ضمیر «خود» را در تصحیح متن، به عنوانِ عنصری درون‌متنی، با ذکر نمونه‌هایی بررسی می‌کنیم.

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