دانشگاه گیلان زبان فارسی و گویش‌های ایرانی 2476-6585 3 1 2018 08 23 A Diachronic Study of Three Idiosyncratic Pair-sounds in Qaleganji Variant of Rudbari (Kerman) مطالعۀ تاریخی سه جفت‌‌آوای خاص در گونۀ رودباریِ قلعه‌گنج (کرمان) 113 131 3078 10.22124/plid.2018.5677.1050 FA سپهر صدیقی نژاد دانشجوی دکتری زبان‌شناسی همگانی، دانشگاه سیستان و بلوچستان محمد مطلبی استادیار فرهنگ و زبان های باستانی دانشگاه شهید باهنر کرمان Journal Article 2016 09 07 <strong>Extended abstract</strong> <strong> </strong> <strong>1. Introduction</strong> Rudbari (=RūdbAri) dialect is spoken in southern area of Kerman province. It is a sub-branch of Bashakardi (Baškardi) dialect group, and hence, genealogically belongs to the new south-west Iranian dialects. Rudbari's phonological system makes use of six idiosyncratic sounds which are nonexistence in today’s Persian including: the falling diphthongs of [ʊə]-[ɪə], the labialized consonants of [x^w]-[g^w], and the trilled consonants of [r]-[ɾ]. The present research, besides determining the phonological value of these sounds, basically tries to investigate their historical route of change from Old Iranian into present Rudbari.   <strong>2. Theoretical Framework </strong> The present research mainly uses a descriptive framework, i.e. the research’s dialectal data have been investigated, described, and compared with their equivalent items in the previous historical linguistic periods using a historical-comparative method.   <strong>3. Methodology</strong> This study exploits a combined use of fieldwork and library methodology. The linguistic corpus of Rudbari was mainly collected through interviewing with informants of Qal’eganj district, and the data related to the historical periods of Iranian languages were gathered from library resources. In historical investigation, there was no direct access to the word-forms of Middle Rudbari, and thus the Middle Persian word-forms were used instead, a language very close to the Middle Rudbari.   <strong>4. Results and Discussion</strong> <strong>A-1- Phonological value of </strong><strong>[</strong><strong>ʊ</strong><strong>ə]-[</strong><strong> ɪ</strong><strong>ə]</strong><strong> pair-vowels:</strong> 1)      [ɪə]: Based on dialectal absolute minimal pairs, this vowel shows phonological contrast with the vowels of [i], [eɪ], and [e]. 2)      [ʊə]: Based on dialectal absolute minimal pairs, this vowel shows phonological contrast with the vowels of [u], [əʊ], and [o]. <strong> </strong> <strong>A-2- Historical change route of </strong><strong>[</strong><strong>ʊ</strong><strong>ə]-[</strong><strong> ɪ</strong><strong>ə]</strong><strong> pair-vowels:</strong> The Old Persian short diphthongs of [ai] and [au] have changed respectively into [ē] and [ō] in Middle Persian and Dari Persian. From Dari Persian, they have changed into [ī] and [ū] in Modern Persian. Despite this phonological change tendency, in Rudbari [ē] has mainly changed into the falling diphthong of [ɪə], and symmetrically, [ō] has been replaced by the falling diphthong of [ʊə]. Besides, we observed that alongside with general change rule of ē → [ɪə], the phonological change rule of ē → [i],[eʊ],[e] has occurred in some Rudbari words, as well. Also, in some few cases, the phonological change rule of ō → [u],[əʊ],[o] has occurred besides the main change rule of ō → [ʊə].         In this regard, Okati et. al (2012) claim that diphthongization is an intr-lingual and innate process limited to some Balochi dialects, with Khashi dialect at the center of this process. Findings of the present study openly contradicts the above claim.   <strong>B-1- Phonological value of </strong><strong>[g^w]-[x^w] </strong><strong>pair-consonants:</strong> 1)      [x^w]: Based on dialectal absolute minimal pairs, this consonant shows phonological contrast with the consonants of [x] and [w]. 2)      [g^w]: Based on dialectal absolute minimal pairs, this consonant shows phonological contrast with the consonants of [g] and [w].   <strong>B-2- Historical change route of </strong><strong>[g^w]-[x^w] </strong><strong>pair-consonants:</strong> 1)        [x^w]: The Old Iranian [hw] has arrived to the Old Persian and has changed into [x^w] in Middle Persian which is found persistent in Dari Persian. [x^w] has changed into [x] in Modern Persian, but Rudbari has preserved the labialized consonant of [x^w] in its syllable’s onset positon.      The above general phonological change rule, has the two following counter examples: a)      The same as Baluchi, stems of “wAst-en” (to want) show a change of the Middle Persian [xw] into [w] in Rudbari, an evidence which proves that these verb stems are loan-words from Baluchi. b)      The same as Persian, in all inflectional forms of “xont-en” (to read), the Middle Persian [xw] has changed into [x] in Rudbari, an argument reinforcing the possibility of its being imposed from Persian to Rudbari. 2)      [g^w]: It’s a change from the Initial [w] in Middle Persian. This change, through an intra-lingual process, has occurred in the syllable onsets having [a] and [A] as their vowel peaks. Nonetheless, some counter-examples show that besides the above general phonological change rule, the w → [b], [g] change rule has occurred in Rudbari. Besides Rudbari and Bashkardi Dialects Group, this change can be seen in Baluchi, as well. Also, in ‘Translated Quran’, known as “Quds Quran”, the initial [w] has changed into [g^w] or [g]. Yet, in some cases, it has changed into [g] in PAzand texts.   <strong>C-1- Phonological value of </strong><strong>[r]-[</strong><strong>ɾ</strong><strong>] </strong><strong>pair-consonants:</strong> Based on dialectal absolute minimal pairs, these sounds show phonological contrast with each other.   <strong>C-2- Historical change route of </strong><strong>[r]- [</strong><strong>ɾ</strong><strong>] </strong><strong>pair-consonants:</strong> 1)      [r]: The Old Iranian [rn] consonant cluster has changed into [rr] in Middle and Dari Persians. However, it has changed into trilled [r] in Rudbari. 2)      [ɾ]: Perhaps one can say that the Old Iranian intervocalic [r] (= VrV) is the source of flapped [ɾ] in Rudbari.   <strong>5. Conclusions and Suggestions</strong> This research shows that these sounds have undergone far different change routes from those of Standard Persian so that it has resulted in using six idiosyncratic phonemes in Rudbari phonological system. The general tendency of Middle Persian [ē]-[ō] monophthongs changing into the falling and phonological diphthongs of [ɪə]-[ʊə] in Rudbari, are among these differences in change procedures which could not be found in any Iranian languages and dialects, except in some Baluchi variants. Other idiosyncratic changes include using the labialized pair-consonants of [x^w]-[g^w] in Rudbari’s syllable’s onset with a phonological value and function. Besides, parallel and phonological use of trill-flapped pair consonants of [ɾ]-[r] in Rudbari’s phonological system depicts the idiosyncratic phonological changes in this dialect.     در جنوب استان کرمان، گونه‌های متعددی از رودباری به­عنوان زیرشاخۀ گروه گویش‌های بَشکَردی و گویش­های جدید ایرانی غربی جنوبی رواج دارند. سه جفت­آوای خاص شامل جفت‌واکۀ مرکب فرودین [ʊə]-[ɪə]، جفت‌همخوان لبی‌شدۀ [g^w]-[x^w] و جفت‌همخوانِ لرزشی [ɾ]-[r] در واجگان رودباری به کار می­روند. پژوهش حاضر به تعیین ارزش واجی آنها در واجگان رودباری امروز، و نیز بررسی تحولات آنها از ایرانی باستان تا رودباری امروز می­پردازد. نتایج پژوهش نشان می‌دهد این سه جفت­آوای منحصربه‌فرد در واجگان رودباری امروز دارای ارزش واجی­اند و تحولات تاریخی آنها روندی کاملاً متمایز از زبان فارسی امروز ایران را پشت سر گذاشته‌است. به‌علاوه، در پاره­ای موارد باید به زبان فرضی رودباری میانه اشاره و به بازسازی واژه­های موردنظر در آن پرداخت؛ وگرنه امکان پیگیری روند تحولات تاریخی برخی از آواهای مزبور میسر نیست. همچنین نتایج پژوهش حاضر آشکار می­سازد جفت‌واکۀ مرکب فرودین [ʊə]-[ɪə] فقط مختص چند گونه از بلوچی رایج در ایران نیست، بلکه واجگان گویش رودباری نیز بهره­مند از آنهاست.  https://zaban.guilan.ac.ir/article_3078_edf66c2bdcfed0f00f45c5933cbe28e2.pdf